makes me a little wonder to fee our author labouring to prove the contrary, by producing all the popular chat of thofe times, and other folid arguments from Fuller's narrative: but, it must be fuppofed, that this gentleman acts by the commands of his fuperiors, who have thought fit, at this juncture, to iffue out new orders, for reasons best known to themfelves. I wish they had been more clear in their directions to him, upon that weighty point, whether the fettlement of the fucceffion in the house of Hanover be alterable or no. I have obferved where, in his former pages, he gives it in the negative; but, in the turning of a leaf, he hath wholly changed his mind. He tells us, he wonders there can be found any Briton weak enough to contend against a power in their own. nation, which is practifed, in a much greater degree, in other ftates: and how hard it is, that Britain should be debarred the privilege of establishing its awn fecurity, by relinquishing only those branches of the royal line, which threaten it with deftruction ; whilst other nations never fcruple, upon less occafions, to go much greater lengths; of which he produceth inftances in France, Spain, Sicily, and Sardinia; and then adds, can great Britain help to advance men to other thrones, and have no power in limiting its own? How can a fenator, capable of doing honour to Sir Thomas Hanmer, be guilty of such ridiculous inconfiftencies? The author of the Conduct of the allies, fays he, hath dared to drop infinuations about altering the fucceffion. The author of the Conduct of the allies writes fense and Eng

lifh; neither of which, the author of the Crifis understands. The former thinks it wrong, in point of policy, to call in a foreign power to be guarantee of our fucceffion, because it puts it out of the power of our own legislature to change our fucceffion, without the confent of that prince or ftate, who is guarantee, whatever necessity may happen in future times. Now, if it be high treafon to affirm, by writing, that the legislature hath no fuch power; and if Mr. Steele thinks it ftrange, that Britain fhould be debarred this privilege, what could be the crime of putting fuch a cafe, that, in future ages, a neceffity might happen, of limiting the fucceffion, as well as it hath happened already?

When Mr. Steele reflects upon the many folemn, frong barriers (to our fucceffion) of laws and eaths, &c. he thinks all fear vanifbeth before them. I think fo too, provided the epithet folemn goes for nothing; because, although I have often heard of a folemn day, a folemn feaft, and a folemn coxcomb, yet I can conceive no idea to myself, of a folemn barrier. However, be that as it will, his thoughts, it feems, will not let him reft; but, before he is aware, be afks himself feveral queftions; and, fince he cannot refolve them, I will endeavour to give him what fatisfaction I am able. The firft is, What are the marks of a lasting fecurity? To which I anfwer, That the figns of it, in a kingdom or state, are, first, good laws; and, fecondly, thofe laws well executed. We are pretty well provided with the former, but extremely defective in the latter. Secondly, What are our tempers and

our hearts at home? If by ours, he means thofe of himself and his abettors, they are most damnably wicked; impatient for the death of the QUEEN; ready to gratify their ambition and revenge, by all desperate methods; wholly alienated from truth, law, religion, mercy, confcience, or honour.-Thirdly, In what hands is power lodged abroad? To answer the queftion naturally, Lewis XIV. is king of France, Philip V. (by the counfels and acknowledgments of the Whigs) is King of Spain, and so on. If by power, he means money; the Duke of Marlborough is thought to have more ready money than all the kings of Christendom together; but, by the peculiar disposition of Providence, it is locked up in a trunk, to which his ambition hath no key; and that is our fecurity.-Fourthly, Are our unnatural divifions our ftrength? I think not; but they are the fign of it; for, being unnatural, they cannot laft; and this fhews, that union, the foundation of all strength, is more agreeable to our nature.-Fifthly, Is it nothing to us, which of the Princes of Europe has the longest fword? Not much, if we can tie up his hands, or put a strong field into thofe of his neighbours; or, if our fword be as fharp as his is long; or, if it be neceffary for him to turn his own fword into a ploughshare; or, if fuch a fword happeneth to be in the hands of an infant, or struggled for by two competitors. Sixthly, The powerful hand that deals out crowns and kingdoms all around us, may it not, in time, reach a king out to us too? If the

powerful

ter.

powerful hand he means, be that of France, it may reach out as many kings as it pleaseth; but we will not accept them. Whence does this man get his intelligence? I fhould think, even his brother Ridpath might furnish him with betWhat crowns or kingdoms hath France dealt about? Spain was given by the will of the former King, in confequence of that infamous treaty of partition; the advifer of which will, I hope, never be forgot in England. Sicily was difpofed of by her Majefty of Great Britain; fo, in effect, was Sardinia. France, indeed, once reached out a king to Poland; but the people would not receive him. This queftion of Mr. Steele's, was therefore only put in terrorem, without any regard to truth.-Seventhly, Are there no pretenfions to our crown that can ever be revived? There may, for aught I know, be about a dozen; and those, in time, may poffibly beget a hundred; but we must do as well as we can. Captain Bessus, when he had fifty challenges to answer, protested, he could not fight above three duels aday. If the Pretender fhould fail, says the writer, the French King has in his quiver a fucceffion of them; the Duchefs of Savoy, or her fons, or the Dauphin her grandfon. Let me fuppofe the Chevalier de St. George to be dead; the Duchefs of Savoy will then be a pretender, and confequently must leave her husband, because his Royal Highnefs, (for Mr. Steele has not yet acknowledged him for a King) is in alliance with her British Majesty; her fons, when they grow pretenders,

muft

muft undergo the fame fate. But, I am at a lofs how to difpofe of the Dauphin, if he happen to be King of France, before the pretendership to Britain falls to his fhare; for I doubt he will never be perfuaded to remove out of his own kingdom, only because it is too near England.

But the Duke of Savoy did, feme years ago, put in his claim to the crown of England in right of his wife; and he is a prince of great capacity, in frict alliance with France, and may therefore very well add to our fears of a popifh fucceffor. Is it the fault of the prefent, or of any miniftry, that this Prince put in his claim? muft we give him opium to deftroy his capacity? or can we prevent his alliance with any prince, who is in peace with her Majefty? Muft we fend to stab or poifon all the popifh princes, who have any pretended title to our crown, by the proximity of blood? What, in the name of God, can thefe people drive at ! what is it they demand! Suppofe the present Dauphin were now a man, and King of France, and next popish heir to the crown of England; is he not excluded by the laws of the land? But what regard will he have to our laws? I anfwer; hath not the QUEEN as good a title to the crown of France? and how is the excluded, but by their law against the fucceffion of females, which we are not bound to acknowledge? And is it not in our power to exclude female fucceffors, as well as in theirs? If fuch a pretence shall prove the caufe of a war, what human power can prevent it? But our caufe muft neceffarily be good and righ

teous;