teous; for, either the kings of England have been unjustly kept out of the poffeffion of France, or the Dauphin, although nearest of kin, can have no legal title to England. And he must be an ill prince indeed, who will not have the hearts and hands of ninety-nine in a hundred among fubjects, against fuch a popish pretender.

his

I have been the longer in answering the feventh queftion, because it led me to confider all he had afterwards to fay upon the subject of the Pretender.-Eighthly, and laftly, he asks himself, whether Popery and ambition are become tame and quiet neighbours? In this, I can give him no fatisfaction, because I never was in that street where they live; nor do I converfe with any of their friends; only I find they are perfons of a very evil reputation. But I am told for certain, that Ambition hath removed her lodging, and lives the very next door to Faction, where they keep fuch a racket, that the whole parish is disturbed, and every night in an uproar.

Thus much in anfwer to thofe eight uneafy quef tions put by the author to himfelf, in order to fatisfy every Briton, and give him an occafion of taking an impartial view of the affairs of Europe in general, as well as of Great Britain in particular.

After enumerating the great actions of the confederate armies under the command of Prince Eugene and the Duke of Marlborough, Mr. Steele observes, in the bitterness of his foul, that the "British general, however unaccountable it may "be to pofterity, was not permitted to enjoy the

"fruits

fruits of his glorious labour."

Ten years

fruits, it feems, were not fufficient; and yet they were the fruitfulleft campaigns that ever any general cropt. However, I cannot but hope, that pofterity will not be left in the dark, but fome care taken, both of her majefiy's glory, and the reputation of thofe fhe employs. An impartial historian may tell the world (and the next age will easily believe what it continues to feel) that the avarice and ambition of a few factious infolent fubjects, had almoft deftroyed their country, by continuing a ruinous war, in conjunction with allies, for whofe fakes principally we fought, who refufed to bear their juft proportion of the charge, and were connived at in their refufal, for private ends that these factious people treated the beft and kindeft of fovereigns with infolence, cruelty, and ingratitude (of which he will be able to produce feveral inftances): that they encouraged perfons and principles, alien from our religion and government, in order to ftrengthen their faction: he will tell the reafons, why the General and First Minifter were feduced to be heads of this faction, contrary to the opinions they had always profeffed. Such an hiflorian will fhew many reafons, which made it neceffary to remove the General and his friends, who, knowing the bent of the nation was against them, expected to lofe their pow er when the war was at an end. Particularly, the hiftorian will difcover the whole intrigue of the Duke of Marlborough's endeavouring to procure a commiffion to be General for life; whereVOL. II. Ee

in

in juftice will be done to a perfon at that time of high ftation in the law, who (I mention it to his honour) advifed the Duke, when he was confulted upon it, not to accept of fuch a commiffion*. By thefe, and many other inftances, which time will bring to light, it may perhaps appear not very unaccountable to pofterity, why this great man was difmiffed at last; but rather why he was difmiffed no fooner.

But this is entering into a wide field. I fhall therefore leave pofterity to the information of better hiftorians than the author of the Crifis, or myfelf; and go on to inform the present age in fome facts, which this great orator and politician thinks fit to mifreprefent with the utmoft degree either of natural or wilful ignorance. He afferts, that in the Duke of Ormonde's campaign," after a fufpenfion of arms between Great Britain and "France, proclaimed at the head of the armies, "the British troops, in the midst of the enemy's

garrifons, withdrew themselves from their con"federates." The fact is directly otherwise; for the British troops were most infamously deferted by the confederates, after all that could be urged by the Duke of Ormonde and the Earl of Strafford to prefs the confederate generals not to forfake them. The Duke was directed to avoid engaging in any action, until he had further orders, because an account of the King of Spain's renunciation was every day expected: this, the Imperialists and Dutch knew well enough; and therefore,

* See the Examiner, No. XIX. and fubfequent papers, Vol. III.

therefore, proposed to the Duke, in that very juncture, to engage the French, for no other reason but to render desperate all the QUEEN'S meafures towards a peace. Was not the certain poffeffion of Dunkirk, of equal advantage to the uncertainty of a battle? A whole campaign under the Duke of Marlborough, with fuch an acquisition, although at the cost of many thousand lives, and several millions of money, would have been thought very gloriously ended.

Neither, after all, was it a new thing, either in the British general, or the Dutch deputies, to refufe fighting, when they did not approve it. When the Duke of Marlborough was going to inveft Bouchain, the deputies of the States preffed him in vain to engage the enemy; and one of them was fo far difcontented upon his Grace's refusal, that he presently became a partizan of the peace; yet I do not remember any clamour then raised here against the Duke, upon that account. Again, when the French invaded Doway, after the confederates had deferted the Duke of Ormonde, Prince Eugene was violently bent upon a battle, and said, they fhould never have another fo good an opportunity; but Monfieur -a private deputy, rofe up, and oppofed it fo far, that the Prince was forced to defift. Was it then more criminal in the Duke of Ormonde, to refuse fighting by express command of the QUEEN, and in order to get poffeffion of Dunkirk, than for the Dukę of Marlborough to give the fame refusal, without any fuch orders, or any fuch advantage? or, fhall E e 2 a Dutch

a Duch deputy affume more power than the QUEEN of Great Britain's general, acting by the immediate commands of his fovereign?

The Emperor and the empire (fays Mr. Steele, by way of admiration) continue the war! Is his Imperial Majefty able to continue it, or no? If he be, then Great Britain hath been ftrangely ufed for ten years past. Then, how came it to pass, that, of above thirty thousand men in his fervice in Italy, at the time of the battle of Turin, there were not above four thousand paid by himself? if he be not able to continue it, why does he go on? The reafons are clear; because the war only affects the princes of the empire (whom he is willing enough to expofe) but not his own dominions. Befides, the Imperial minifters are in daily expectation of the QUEEN's death, which they hope will give a new turn to affairs, and rekindle the war in Europe upon the old foot; and we know how the minifters of that court publicly affign it for a reafon of their obftinacy against peace, that they hope for a fudden revolution in England. In the mean time, this appearance of the Emperor's being for faken by his ally, will ferve to encreafe the clamour, both here and in Holland, against her Majefty and those the employs.

Mr. Steele fays, "There can be no crime in "affirming, if it be truth, that the houfe of Bour"bon is at this juncture become more formida "ble, and bids fairer for an univerfal monarchy, "and to engrofs the whole trade of Europe, than ❝ it did before the war.”

No