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teous; for, either the kings of England have been unjustly kept out of the possession of France, or the Dauphin, although nearest of kin, can have no legal title to England. And he must be an ill prince indeed, who will not have the hearts and hands of ninety-nine in a hundred among his subjects, against such a popis pretender.

I have been the longer in answering the seventh question, because it led me to consider all he had afterwards to say upon the subject of the Pretender.-Eighthly, and lastly, he asks himself, whether Popery and ambition are become tame and quiet neighbours? In this, I can give him no fatisfaction, because I never was in that street where they live; nor do I converse with any of their friends; only I find they are persons of a very evil reputation. But I am told for certain, that Ambition hath removed her lodging, and lives the very next door to Faction, where they keep such a racket, that the whole parish is disturbed, and every night in an uproar.

Thus much in answer to those eight uneasy quieftions put by the author to himself, in order to fue tisfy every Briton, and give him an occasion of taking an impartial view of the affairs of Europe in general, as well as of Great Britain in particular.

After enumerating the great actions of the confederate armies under the command of Prince Eugene and the Duke of Marlborough, Mr. Steele observes, in the bitterness of his soul, that the “ British general, however unaccountable it may “ be to posterity, was not permitted to enjoy the

“ fruits

* fruits of his glorious labour.” Ten years fruits, it seems, were not sufficient; and yet they were the fruitfullest campaigns that ever any general cropt. However, I cannot but hope, that pofterity will not be left in the dark, but some care taken, both of her majeliy's glory, and the reputation of those the employs. An impartial historian may tell the world (and the next age will eagly believe what it continues to seel) that the avarice and ambition of a few factious infolent subjects, had almost destroyed their country, by continuing a ruinous war, in conjundlion with allies, for whole fakes principally we fought, who refused to bear their just proportion of the charge, and were connived at in their refusal, for private ends : that these factious people treated the best and kindest of sovereigns with insolence, cruelty, and ingratitude (of which he will be able to produce several instances): that they encouraged persons and principles, alien from our religion and government, in order to strengthen their faction : he will tell the reasons, why the General and First Minister were seduced to be heads of this faction, contrary to the opinions they had always prost iled. Such an historian will shew many reasons, which made it necessary to remove the General and his friends, who, knowing the bent of the nation was against them, expected to lose their power when the war was at an end. Particularly, the historian will discover the whole intrigue of the Duke of Marlborough’s endeavouring to procure a commission to be General for life; whereVOL. II.

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in justice will be done to a person at that time of high station in the law, who (I mention it to his honour) advised the Duke, when he was confulted upon it, not to accept of such a commission *. By these, and many other instances, which time will bring to light, it may perhaps appear not very unaccountable to posterity, why this great man was dismified at last; but rather why he was dismisled no sooner.

But this is entering into a wide field. I shall therefore leave posterity to the information of better historians than the author of the Crisis, or myself; and go on to inform the present age in some facts, which this great orator and politician thinks fit to misrepresent with the utmost degree either of natural or wilful ignorance. He asserts, that in the Duke of Ormonde's campaign, “ after a “ suspension of arms between Great Britain and " France, proelaimed at the head of the armies, “ the British troops, in the midst of the enemy's “ garrisons, withdrew themselves from their con“ federates.” The fact is directly otherwise ; for the British troops were most infamously. deserted by the confederates, after all that could be urged by the Duke of Ormonde and the Earl of Strafford to press the confederate generals not to forsake them. The Duke was directed to avoid engaging in any action, until he had further orders, because an account of the King of Spain's renunciation was every day expected: this, the Imperialists and Dutch knew well enough; and

therefore, * See the Examiner, No. XIX. and subsequent papers, Vol. III. therefore, proposed to the Duke, in that very juncture, to engage the French, for no other reason but to render desperate all the QUEEN's measures towards a peace. Was not the certain posfession of Dunkirk, of equal advantage to the uncertainty of a battle? A whole campaign under the Duke of Marlborough, with such an acqui

fition, although at the cost of many thousand • lives, and several millions of money, would have been thought very gloriously ended.

Neither, after all, was it a new thing, either in the British general, or the Dutch deputies, to refuse fighting, when they did not approve it. When the Duke of Marlborough was going to invest Bouchain, the deputies of the States prefled him in vain to engage the enemy; and one of them was so far difcontented upon his Grace's refusal, that he presently becanie a partizan of the peace; yet I do not remember any clamour then raised here against the Duke, upon that account. Again, when the French invaded Doway, after the confederates had deserted the Duke of Ormonde, Prince Eugene was violently bent upon a battle, and said, they should never have another so good an opportunity; but Monsieur -a private deputy, rose up, and opposed it so far, that the Prince was forced to dehft. Was it then more criminal in the Duke of Ormonde, to refuse fighting by express command of the QUEEN, and in order to get possession of Dunkirk, than for the Duke of Marlborough to give the same refusal, without any such orders, or any such advantage? or, shall E e2

a Dutch

a Duch deputy assume more power than the Queen of Great Britain's general, acting by the immediate commands of his sovereign ?

The Emperor and the empire (says Mr. Steelè, by way of admiration) continue the war! Is his Imperial Majesty able to continue it, or no? If he be, then Great Britain hath been strangely . used for ten years past. Then, how came it to pass, that, of above thirty thoufand men in his service in Italy, at the time of the battle of Turin, there were not above four thousand paid by himself? if he be not able to continue it, why does he go on? The reasons are clear ; because the war only affects the princes of the empire (whom he is willing enough to expose) but not his own dominions. Besides, the Imperial ministers are in daily expectation of the QUEEN's death, which they hope · will give a new turn to affairs, - and rekindle the

war in Ewope upon the old foot; and we know how the ministers of that court publicly allign it for a reason of their obstinacy against peace, that they hope for a sudden revolution in England. In the mean time, this appearance of the Emperor's being forsaken by his ally, will serve to encrease the clamour, both here and in Holland, a. gainst her Majesty and those the employs.

Mr. Steele says, “ There can be no crime in " affirming, if it be truth, that the house of Bour« bon is at this juncture become more formida“ble, and bids fairer for an universal monarchy, 66 and to engross the whole trade of Europe, than 6s it did before the war." .

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