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must be the doom of those, who hindered these people from submitting to the gentle terms offered them by their Prince ! and who, although they be conscious of their own inability to furnish one single fhip, for the support of the Catalans, are, at this instant, spurring them on to their ruin, by promises of aid and protection !

Thus much in answer to Mr. Steele's account of the affairs of Europe; from which he deduceh the universal monarchy of France, and the danger of I know not how many popish successors to Britain. His political reflections are as good as his facts. " We must observe, says he, that the “ person, who seems to be the most favoured by " the French King, in the late treaties, is the “ Duke of Savoy.” Extremely right; for whatever that Prince got by the peace, he owes entirely to her Majesty, as a just reward for his having been fo firm and useful an ally; neither was France brought, with more difficulry, to yield any one point, than that of allowing the Duke such a barrier as the Queen insisted on.

He is become the most powerful prince in Italy. I had rather see him so, than the Emperor. He is supposed to have entered into a secret and frict alliance with the horfe of Bourbon. This is one of those facts, wherein I am most inclined to believe the author, because it is what he must needs be utterly ignorant of, and therefore may possibly be true.

I thought, indeed, we should be fafe from all popish successors, as far as Italy, because of the

prodigious prodigious clutter about fending the Pretender thither. But they will never agree where to fix their longitude. The Duke of Savoy is the more dangerous for removing to Sicily: he adds to our fears for being too near. So, whether France conquer Germany, or be in peace and good understand. ing with it, either event will put us and Holland 'at the mercy of France, which hath a quiver full of Pretenders at its back, whenever the Chevalier shall die.

This was just the logic of poor Prince Butler, a splenetic madman, whom every body may remember about the town. Prince Pamphilio in Italy, employed emissaries to torment Prince Butler here. But what if Prince Pamphilio die? Why then he had left in his will, that his heirs and executors torment Prince Butler for ever.

I cannot think it a misfortune, 'what Mr. Steele affirms, that “ treasonable books, lately difperf" ed among us, striking apparently at the Hano“ ver succession, have pafled almost without ob. « fervation from the generality of the people;" because it seems a certain fign, that the generality of the people are well disposed to that illustrious family: but I look upon it as a great evil, to see feditious books dispersed among us, apparently strike ing at the Queen and her administration, at the constitution of church and state, and at all religion ; yet passing without obfervation from the generality of those in power: but whether this remillness may be imputed to Whitehall, or Weftminsterhall, is other mens business to enquire. Mr. Steele VOL. II.

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knows in his conscience, that the Queries concerning the Pretender, iilued from one of his own party. And as for the poor nonjuring clergyman, who was trusted with committing to the press a late book, on the subject of hereditary right, by a strain of the summum jus, he is now, as I am told, with half a score children, starving and rotting among thieves and pick-pockets, in the common room of a stinking jail *. I have never seen either the book or the publiher;. however, I would fain alk one single person † in the world a question; why he hath so often drank the abdicated King's health upon his knees?

-But the transition is natural and frequent, and I shall not trouble him for an answer.

It is the hardest cafe in the world, that. Mr. Steele should take up the artificial reports of his own faction, and then put them off upon the world as additional fears of a popish fuccefjor. I can assure him, that no good fubject of the Queen, is under the least concern, whether the Pretender be converted or no, farther than their wishes, that all men would embrace the true religion. But, reporting backwards and forwards upon this point, helps to keep up the noise, and is a topic for Mr. Steele to enlarge himself upon, by shewing how little we can depend on such conversions, by collecting a list of popish cruelties, and repeat


* Upon his conviction, he was committed to the Marshalsea, and, at his sentence, to the Queen's Bench, for three years, Hawker:

+ Parker, afterward Lord Chancellor.

ing, after himself, and the bishop of Sarum, the dismal effects likely to follow, upon the return of that fuperftition among us.

But as this writer is reported, by those who know him, to be what the French call journalier, his fear and courage operating according to the weather, in our uncertain climate ; I am apt to believe, the two last pages of his Crisis were written on a fun-fbine day. This I guess from the general tenor of them; and, particularly, from an unwary assertion, which, if he believes as firmly as I do, will, at once, overthrow all his foreign and domestic fears of a popish fucceffor. As divided a people as we are, those who fand for the house of Hanover, are INFINITELY superior in number, wealth, and courage, and all arts, military and civil, to those in the contrary interest; besides which, we have the laws, I say, the laws on our

side. The laws, I say, the laws. This elegant repetition is, I think, a little out of place; for the stress might better have been laid upon so great a majority of the nation ; without which, I doubt the laws would be of little weight, although they be very good additional securities. And, if what he here afferts be true, as it certainly is, although he affert it, (for I allow even the majority of his own party to be against the Pretender) there can be no danger of a popish successor, except from the unreasonable jealousies of the best among that party, and from the malice, the avarice or ambition of the worst; without which, Britain would be able to defend her fuccession against all her enemies, both at home and Ff 2


abroad. Most of the dangers from abroad, which he enumerates, as the consequences of this very bad peace, made by the Queen, and approved by parliament, must have sublifted under any peace at all; unless, among other projects equally feafible, we could have stipulated, to cut the throats of every popish relation to the royal family.

Well, by this author's own confeffion, a number infinitely superior, and the best circumstantiated imaginable, are for the succession in the house of Hanover. This fucceffion is establifhed, confirmed, and secured, by several laws; her majesty's repeated declarations, and the oaths of all her subjects, engage both her and them to preferve what those laws have settled. This is a security, indeed, a security adequate, at least, to the importance of the thing; and yet, according to the whig scheme, as delivered to us by Mr. Steele and his coadjutors, is altogether insufficient; and the fucceffion will be defeated, the Pretender brought in, and popery established among us, without the farther affistance of the writer and his faction.

And what securities have our adversaries subftituted in the place of these? A club of politicians, where Jenny Man presides; a Crisis written by Mr. Steele; a confederacy of knavih stockjobbers, to ruin credit; a report of the Queen's death ; an figies of the Pretender, run twice through the body, by a valiant peer; a speech, by the author of the Crisis; and, to sum up all, an unlimited freedom of reviling her Majesty, and those the employs.

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