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a faction, to both which a peace would have put an end; and that the part of the war which was chiefly our province, which would have been moft beneficial to us, and deftructive to the enemy, was wholly neglected. As to a peace, we complain of being deluded by a mock-treaty, in which thofe who negotiated, took care to make such demands, as they knew were impoffible to be complied with; and, therefore, might fecurely press every article, as if they were in earnest.

These are some of the points I defign to treat of in the following discourse; with several others, which I thought it neceffary, at this time, for the kingdom to be informed of. I think I am not mistaken in thofe facts I mention; at least, not in any circumstance so material, as to weaken the confequences I draw from them.

After ten years wars, with perpetual fuccefs, to tell us, it is yet impoffible to have a good peace, is very surprizing, and seems so different from what hath ever happened in the world before, that a man of any party may be allowed fufpecting, that we have been either ill used, or have not made the most of our victories, and might, therefore, defire to know where the difficulty lay. Then it is natural to enquire into our prefent condition; how long we shall be able to go on at this rate; what the confequences may be, upon the present and future ages; and whether a peace, without that impracticable point, which some people do fo much insist on, be really ruinous in itself, or equally so with the continuance of the war.

THE

THE CONDUCT OF THE ALLIES. *

THE motives that may engage a wife prince

or ftate in war, I take to be one or more of thefe either to check the overgrown power of fome ambitious neighbour; to recover what hath been unjustly taken from them; to revenge fome injury they have received (which all political cafuifts allow); to affift fome ally in a juft quarrel; or, laftly, to defend themfelves when they are invaded. In all these cafes, the writers upon politics admit a war to be juftly undertaken. The laft is what hath been usually called pro aris et focis; where no expence or endeavour can be too great, because all we have is at stake, and, confequently, our utmost force to be exerted; and the difpute is foon determined, either in fafety or utter destruction. But, in the other four, I believe

* This was written preparatory to the peace which the ministers were then concerting, and which was afterwards perfected at Utrecht. It begins by reflections on war in general, and then particularly mentions the feveral civil wars in our kingdom.

Unhappy country! torn to pieces by her own fons; a wretched mother of vultures, for whom, like Tityus, fhe produces new intrails, only to be devoured! Orrery.

This tract, and remarks on the barrier-treaty, contain the. principal facts which the author of John Bull has thrown into allegory; and greatly illuftrates that piece, of which indeed it is poffible they were the ground-work. Hawkef.

A particular account of the occafion of this tract, and of the confequences it produced, may be seen in Dr. Swift's life, prefixed to Vol. I.

I believe it will be found, that no monarch or commonwealth did ever engage beyond a certain degree; never proceeding fo far, as to exhauft the ftrength and fubftance of their country by antici pations and loans, which, in a few years, muft put them in a worfe condition, than any they could reasonably apprehend from those evils, for the preventing of which they firft entered into the war; because this would be, to run into real, infallible ruin, only in hopes to remove what might, perhaps, but appear fo by a probable speculation.

And, as a war should be undertaken upon a just and prudent motive, fo it is ftill more obvious, that a prince ought maturely to confider the condition he is in, when he enters on it; whether his coffers be full, his revenues clear of debts, his people numerous and rich, by a long, peace and free trade; not over-preffed with many burdenfome taxes; no violent faction ready to difpute his juft prerogative, and thereby weaken his authority at home, and leffen his reputation abroad. For, if the contrary of all this happen to be his cafe, he will hardly be perfuaded to disturb the world's quiet and his own, while there is any other way left of preserving the latter with honour and fafety.

Suppofing the war to have commenced upon a juft motive; the next thing to be confidered, is, when a prince ought in prudence to receive the overtures of a peace; which I take to be, either when the enemy is ready to yield the point originally contended for, or, when that point is found impoffible

impoffible to be ever obtained; or, when contending any longer, although with probability of gaining that point at laft, would put fuch a prince and his people in a worfe condition than the prefent lofs of it. All which confiderations are of much greater force, where a war is managed by an alliance of many confederates, which, in the variety of interefts among the feveral parties, is liable to fo many unforeseen accidents.

In a confederate war, it ought to be confidered, which party has the deepeft fhare in the quarrel: for, although each may have their particular reafons, yet one or two among them will probably be more concerned than the reft, and therefore ought to bear the greatest part of the burthen, in proportion to their ftrength. For example: two princes may be competitors for a kingdom, and it will be your intereft to take the part of him, who will probably allow you good conditions of trade, rather than of the other, who poffibly may not. However, that prince, whofe caufe you efpouse, although never fo vigoroufly, is the principal in that war, and you, properly speaking, are but a fecond. Or, a commonwealth may lie in danger to be over-run by a powerful neighbour, which in time may produce very bad confequences upon your trade and liberty: it is therefore neceflary, as well as prudent, to lend them affiflance, and help them to win a strong secure frontier: but, as they must, in course, be the first and greatest fufferers; fo, in justice, they ought to bear the greatest weight. If a house be on fire, it behoves VOL. II.

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all in the neighbourhood to run with buckets to quench it; but the owner is fure to be undone first; and it is not impoffible, that thofe at next door, may escape by a shower from heaven, or the ftillness of the weather, or fome other favourable accident. But, if an ally, who is not fo immediately concerned in the good or ill fortune of the war, be fo generous as to contribute more than the principal party, and even more in proportion to his abilities, he ought, at leaft, to have his fhare in what is conquered from the enemy; or, if his romantic difpofition transport him fo far, as to expect little or nothing from this, he might, however, hope, that the principals would make it up in dignity and refpect; and he would, furely, think it monftrous, to find them intermeddling in his domeftic affairs, prescribing what fervants he should keep or difmifs, preffing him perpetually with the most unreasonable demands, and, at every turn, threatening to break the alliance, if he will not comply.

From these reflections upon war in general, I defcend to confider thofe wars wherein England hath been engaged fince the conqueft. In the civil wars of the Barons, as well as thofe between the houfes of York and Lancafter, great deftruction was made of the nobility and gentry; new families raised, and old ones extinguished; but the money spent on both fides, was employed and circulated at home; no public debts contracted; and a very few years of peace quickly fet all right again.

The

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