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out of those Spainish provinces he then poffeffed: to which, if we add the many towns fince taken, which were not in the late king of Spain's poffeffion at the time of his death, with all their territories and dependencies; it is visible, what forces the States may be able to keep, even without any charge to their peculiar dominions.

The towns and chatellanies of this barrier, always maintained their garrifons, when they were in the hands of France; and, as it is reported, returned a confiderable fum of money into the king's coffers; yet the king of Spain is obliged, by this treaty (as we have already obferved), to add over and above, a revenue of four hundred thoufand crowns a year. We know likewise, that a great part of the revenue of the Spanish Netherlands is already pawned to the States; so that, after a peace, nothing will be left to the fovereign, nor will the people, be much eased of the taxes they at prefent labour under.

Thus the States, by virtue of this barrier-treaty, will, in effect, be abfolute fovereigns of all Flanders, and of the whole revenues, in the utmost

extent.

And here I cannot, without fome contempt, take notice of a fort of reasoning, offered by several people; that the many towns we have taken for the Dutch are of no advantage, because the whole revenues of those towns are spent in maintaining them. For, firft, the fact is manifeftly falfe, particularly as to Lifle, and fome others. Secondly, the States, after a peace, are to have four hun.

dred

dred thousand crowns a year out of the remainder of Flanders, which is then to be left to Spain. And lastly, fuppofe all thefe acquired dominions will not bring a penny into their treasury, what can be of greater confequence, than to be able to maintain a mighty army out of their new conquefts, which, before, they always did, by taxing their natural fubjects?

How fhall we be able to anfwer it to King Charles III. that, while we pretend to endeavour reftoring him to the entire monarchy of Spain, we join, at the fame time, with the Dutch, to deprive him of his natural right to the LowCountries?

But fuppofe, by a Dutch barrier, muft now be understood, only what is to be in poffeffion of the States; yet, even under this acceptation of the word, nothing was originally meant, except a barrier.against France; whereas, feveral towns, demanded by the Dutch in this treaty, can be of no use at all in fuch a barrier. And this is the fentiment, even of prince Eugene himself (the prefent oracle and idol of the party here), who fays, "that Dendermond, Oftend, and the caftle ❝of Gand, do in no fort belong to the barrier; " nor can be of other ufe, than to make the "States-General mafters of the Low-Countries, "and hinder their trade with England." And further: "That those who are acquainted with the

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country know very well, that, to fortify Lier "and Halle, can give no fecurity to the States, as a barrier, but only raise a jealoufy in the

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"people, that thofe places are only fortified, in "order to block up Bruffels, and the other great "towns of Brabant."

In those towns of Flanders, where the Dutch are to have garrifons, but the ecclefiaftical and civil power to remain to the king of Spain after a peace, the States have power to fend arms, ammunition, and victuals, without paying customs; under which pretence, they will engross the whole trade of thofe towns, exclufive of all other nations.

This prince Eugene likewise foresaw; and, in his obfervations upon this treaty, here annexed, propofed a remedy for it.

And, if the Dutch fhall please to think, that, the whole Spanish Netherlands are not a sufficient barrier for them, I know no remedy, from the. words of this treaty, but that we must still go on and conquer for them as long as they pleafe. For the Queen is obliged, whenever a peace is treated,. to procure for them whatever shall be thought neceffary defides; and where their neceffity will terminate, is not very eafy to forefee,

Could any of her Majesty's subjects conceive, that, in those very towns we have taken for the Dutch, and given into their poffeffion as a barrier, either the States fhould demand, or our minifters. allow, that the fubjects of Britain should, in refpect to their trade, be ufed worfe than they were. under the late king of Spain? yet this is the fact, as monftrous as it appears: all goods going to, or coming from Newport to Oftend, are to pay the fame duties, as those that pafs by the Scheld un

der

der the Dutch forts: and this, in effect, is to fhut out all other nations from trading to Flanders: The English merchants at Bruges complain, that "after they had paid the king of Spain's duty for "goods imported at Oftend, the fame goods are "made liable to further duties, when they are "carried from thence into the towns of the Dutch "new conquests; and defire only the fame privi"leges of trade they had before the death of the "late king of Spain, Charles II." And, in confequence of this treaty, the Dutch have already taken off eight per cent. from all goods they fend to the Spanish Flanders, but left it ftill upon us. .But, what is very furprising, in the very same article, where our good friends and allies are wholly hutting us out from trading in those towns we have conquered for them with fo much blood and treasure, the Queen is obliged to procure, that the States fhall be used as favourably in their trade o ver all the king of Spain's dominions, as her own subjects, or as the people most favoured. This E humbly conceive to be perfect boys play; Cross A win, and pile you lofe; * or, What's yours is mine, and what's mine is my own. Now, if it should happen, that, in a treaty of peace, fome ports or towns fhould be yielded us, for the security of our trade, in any part of the Spanish dominions, at how great a distance foever, I suppose the Dutch would go on with their boys play, and challenge half, by virtue of that article: or, would they be

content.

* The two fides of our coin were once distinguished by cross and pile, as they are now by heads and tails. Hawkef

content with the military government and the revenues, and reckon them among what shall be thought neceffary for their barrier?

This prodigious article is introduced, as fubfequent to the treaty of Munfter, made about the year 1648, at a time when England was in the utmoft confufion, and very much to our difadvantage. Those parts in that treaty, fo unjust in themselves, and fo prejudicial to our trade, ought, in reason, to have been remitted, rather than confirmed upon us, for the time to come. But this is Dutch partnership; to fhare in all our beneficial bargains, and exclude us wholly from theirs, even from those which we have got for them.

In one part of The conduct of the allies, &c. among other remarks upon this treaty, I make it a queftion, whether it were right, in point of policy or prudence, to call in a foreign power to be a guarantee to our fucceffion; because, by that means, we put it out of the power of our legislature to alter the fucceffion, bow much foever the neceffity of the kingdom may require it? To comply with the cautions of fome people, I explained my meaning in the following editions. I was affured, that my Lord Chief Juftice affirmed, that paffage was treafon. One of my anfwerers, I think, decides as favourably; and, I am told, that paragraph was read very lately, during a debate, with a comment in very injurious terms, which perhaps might have been spared. That the legislature should have power to change the fucceffion, whenever the ne

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ceffities

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