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be. Yet this very practice is the very fundamental law of each faction among us; as may be obvious to any, who will impartially, and without engagement, be at the pains to examine their actions which, however, is not so easy a task; for it seems a principle in human nature, to inH 3 cline

and violence, which fubfifted in those times between the contending factions of Whig and Tery; and perhaps to recommend, in the place of that abominable rancour and malice, which had broken all the laws of charity and hofpitality among human kind, thofe candid falutary principles, with respect to religion and government, which, if rightly comprehended, and vigorously pursued, might certainly preserve the whole constitution, both of church and ftate, for ten thousand generations. Swift. This appears to be an apology for the Tories, and a justification of them against the mifreprefentations of the Whigs, who were then in the ministry, and used every artifice to perpetuate their power. Mr. Harley, afterwards Lord Oxford, had, by the influence of the Duke of Marlborough, and Lord Treasurer Godolphin, been lately removed from his post of Principal Secretary of State; and Mr. St. John, afterwards Lord Bolingbroke, refigned his place of Secretary at War, and Sir Simon Harcourt that of Attorney-General. Hawkef

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more than another, even in matwe are wholly unconcerned. And it mon observation, that in reading a hiffacts done a thousand years ago, or standby at play among those who are perfect frangers to us, we are apt to find our hopes and wishes engaged on a fudden in favour of one fide more than another. No wonder then that we are all fo ready to intereft ourselves in the course of public affairs, where the most inconsiderable have fome real hate, and, by the wonderful importance which every man is of to himself, a very great imaginary one.

And, indeed, when the two parties that divide the whole commonwealth, come once to a rupture, without any hopes left of forming a third with better principles, to balance the others, it feems every man's duty to chufe one of the two fides, though he cannot entirely approve of either; and all pretences to neutrality are justly exploded by both, being too ftale and obvious; only intending the fafety and ease of a few individuals, while the public is embroiled. This was the opinion and practice of the latter Cato, whom I efteem to have been the wifeft and best of all the Romans. * But before things proceed to open violence, the trueft fervice a private man may hope to do his country, is by unbiaffing his mind as much as poffible, and then endeavour

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# One of the fextumvirate in Gulliver, part 3. chap. 7. vol. V.

ing to moderate between the rival powers; which must needs be owned a fair proceeding with the world; because it is, of all others, the leaft confiftent with the common defign of making a fortune by the merit of an opinion.

I have gone as far as I am able, in qualifying myself to be fuch a moderator. I believe I am no bigot in religion, and I am fure I am none in government. I converfe in full freedom with many confiderable men of both parties; and if not in equal number, it is purely accidental and perfonal, as happening to be near the court, and to have made acquaintance there, more under one miniftry than another. Then I am not under the neceffity of declaring myself by the profpect of an employment. And, laftly, if all this be not fufficient, I industriously conceal my name, which wholly exempts me from any hopes and fears in delivering my opinion.

In confequence of this free ufe of my reason, I cannot poffibly think fo well or fo ill of either party, as they would endeavour to perfuade the world of each other, and of themfelves. For inftance, I do not charge it upon the body of the Whigs or the Tories, that their feveral principles lead them to introduce Prefbytery, and the religion of the church of Rome, or a commonwealth, and arbitrary power. For why should any party be accused of a principle, which they folemnly difown and proteft againft? But, to this, they have a mutual anfwer ready: they both affure us,

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that their adverfaries are not to be believed; that they difown their principles out of fear, which are manifeft enough, when we examine their practices. To prove this, they will produce inftances, on one fide, either of avowed Prefbyterians, or perfons of libertine and atheistical tenets; and on the other, of profeffed Papifts, or fuch as are openly in the intereft of the abdicated family. Now, it is very natural for all fubordinate fects and denominations in a state, to fide with fome general party, and to chufe that which they find to agree with themselves in fome general principle. Thus, at the refloration, the Prefbyterians, Anabaptifts, Independents, and other fects, did all, with very good reason, unite and folder up their several schemes to join against the church; who, without regard to their diftinctions, treated them all as equal adverfaries. Thus our prefent diffenters do very naturally clofe in with the Whigs, who profess moderation; declare they abhor all thoughts of perfecution, and think it hard, that those who differ only in a few ceremonies and fpeculations, fhould be denied the privilege and profit of ferving their country in the highest employments of ftate. Thus, the atheifts, libertines, despisers of religion and revelation in general; that is to fay, all those who usually pafs under the name of Free-thinkers, do properly joïn with the fame body; becaufe they likewife preach up moderation, and are not fo over-nice to diftinguish between an unlimited liberty of confci

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ence, and an unlimited freedom of opinion. Then, on the other fide, the profeffed firmnefs of the Tories for Episcopacy, as an apostolical inftitution; their aversion to those sects who ly under the reproach of having once deftroyed their conftitution, and who, they imagine, by too indifcreet a zeal for reformation, have defaced the primitive model of the church; next, their moderation for monarchical government in the common course of fucceffion, and their hatred to republican schemes: thefe, I fay, are principles which not only the nonjuring zealots profefs, but even papists themfelves fall readily in with. And every extreme here mentioned, flings a general scandal upon the whole body it pretends to adhere to.

But furely no man whatsoever ought, in justice or good manners, to be charged with principles he actually difowns, unless his practices do openly, and without the leaft room for doubt, contradict his profeffion; not upon small furmifes, or becaufe he has the misfortune to have ill men sometimes agree with him in a few general fentiments. However, though the extremes of Whig and Tory feem, with little juftice, to have drawn religion into their controverfies, wherein they have fmall concern; yet they both have borrowed one leading principle from the abuse of it; which is, to have built their feveral fyftems of political faith, not upon enquiries after truth, but upon opposition to each other; upon injuri

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