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make no servants for his work ; but they order of David his father, the 'courses of the were men of war, and chief of his captains, priests to their service, and the Levites to and captains of his chariots and horsemen. their charges, to praise and minister before

10 And these were the chief of king So- the priests, as the duty of every day required : lomon's officers, even two hundred and fifty, the porters also by their courses at every that bare rule over the people.

gate for 'so had David the man of God 11 9 And Solomon obrought up the commanded. daughter of Pharaoh out of the city of David 15 And they departed not from the comunto the house that he had built for her : for mandment of the king unto the priests and he said, My wife shall not dwell in the house Levites concerning any matter, or concerning of David king of Israel, because the places the treasures. are ‘holy, whereunto the ark of the LORD 16 | Now all the work of Solomon was hath come.

prepared unto the day of the foundation of the 12 Then Solomon offered burnt offerings house of the LORD, and until it was finished. unto the LORD on the altar of the LORD, So the house of the LORD was perfected. which he had built before the porch,

17 | Then went Solomon to Ezion-geber, 13 Even after a certain rate every day, and to ''Eloth, at the sea side in the land of offering according to the commandment of Edom. Moses, on the sabbaths, and on the new 18 And Huram sent him by the hands of moons, and on the solemn feasts, three times his servants ships, and servants that had in the year, even in the feast of unleavened knowledge of the sea ; and they went with bread, and in the feast of weeks, and in the the servants of Solomon to Ophir, and took feast of tabernacles.

thence four hundred and fifty talents of gold, 14 | And he appointed, according to the and brought them to king Solomon. 3 1 Kings 3. 1, and 7. 8. 9 Heb. so was the commandment of David the man of God.

10 Or, Elath, Deut. 2. 8.

4 Hebholiness.

5 Exod. 29. 38.

6 Exod. 23. 14. Deut. 16. 16.

7 Chron, 24. 1.

81 Chron, 9. 17.

Verse 4. Tadmor in the wilderness.'—In the Syrian the cast and west by the channel of the Red Sea ; and we desert there are the magnificent ruins of an ancient city, are therefore justified in supposing, that-as his sovewhich made a conspicuous figure in ancient times under reignty extended to the Euphrates, and as the caravans must the name of Palmyra. This is not doubted to occupy the needs therefore pass through his territories—he did not site of the Tadmor built by Solomon. The names

neglect the opportunity of obtaining benefit from the land • Tadmor' and · Palmyra' equally refer to the palm-trees trade between Eastern and Western Asia. From what we which grew there; and the former is at this day the only know of his character, it is improbable that this most proname by which the spot is known to the natives, although fitable branch of trade should not attract his attention ; and the palms have now disappeared.

the fact of his building a city in such a place as Palmyra Major Rennel, in his work on the Comparative Geo- seems to furnish something like actual proof that his views graphy of Western Asia, places the site of Palmyra in N. were really directed towards it. Tadmor was doubtless a lat. 340° 24', and E. long. 38° 20', being 90 geographical fortified city, which, while it enabled the king to hold miles from the nearest point (to the north) of the Eu- this region in such complete occupation as to prevent the phrates; 102 miles from the nearest eastern point of the passage of the trade without his concurrence, afforded same river; and 109 miles E. by N. from Baalbek. It is every accommodation and convenience which the vast situated on a small oasis in the midst of a vast desert of caravans could require, and every facility for those comsand, in which there is no trace of any other than Arabian mercial transactions of which it must soon have become footsteps; and the existence of a most glorious city, thus the seat under such circumstances. It would naturally isolated in the inhospitable waste, is one of those wonderful soon cease to be a mere resting-place, and become an emcircumstances which require to be accounted for by other porium for the land trade, where the merchants of the considerations than those which immediately appear. The east and west met each other, and transacted their exspot where Palmyra stands enjoys the advantage of a good changes and sales. What precise part Solomon took we supply of wholesome water-a circumstance of such im- cannot tell. He may have contented himself with levying portance in a desert region, that to this doubtless we are to dues and customs upon the commodities; or he may have look for the first element of that importance and splendour required the further conduct of the trade to be left to the at which Palmyra ultimately arrived., Through the Hebrew merchants, who, in that case, probably

bought up desert in which it lies, the caravans which conveyed by the goods, and resold them at a profit to the Phænicians land the produce of Eastern Asia, from the Persian Gulf and others. But, judging from the analogies afforded by and Babylon, to Phænicia, Syria, and Asia Minor, must the trade with Egypt for horses, it is more probable that of necessity pass ; and as to such caravans is necessary the king himself, by his factors, bought up the comto adopt the line of march in which water may be found, modities of the East, and re-sold them for his own emoluthere can be no doubt that the advantages, in this respect, ment. Here certainly is a sufficient motive for the which Tadmor offered, rendered it, at a very remote foundation of a city at Tadmor. It is however not unperiod, a resting-place to the eastern caravans, in their likely that the Phænicians were at the bottom of Solomon's route westward through the desert. This brings us to the commercial speculations. We may conceive that, as they most probable reason that can be found for the measure were on the most friendly terms with him, and had renwhich Solomon took, of building a city in this remote and dered him great aid in his undertakings, they felt at inhospitable region. We know that tkis enterprizing king liberty to suggest to him how greatly he might oblige engrossed the maritime commerce which existed between them and enrich himself by promoting and by sharing in

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that Oriental commerce which they could not carry on without his assistance. The caravans of the East were probably principally directed to Tyre; and Hiram might easily shew Solomon the benefit they might mutually derive from the establishment of a fortified town at Tadmor, for the protection of his own frontier, and for the safeguard of the caravans across the desert, in which they were then, as now, exposed to the assaults of the Bedouins. To this he might also be induced by the prospect of an intermediate participation in the trade, or of a right of custom ou the goods carried across the desert. A most important fact in evidence for the truth of these conjectures is, that all our information of Palmyra from heathen writers describes it as a city of merchants—the factors of the Oriental trade-who sold to the Romans and others the merchandise of India and Arabia, and were so enriched by the traffic that the place was proverbial for its luxury and wealth, and for the expensive habits of its citizens.' It was then to its trade that Palmyra owed that splendour of which its noble ruins still furnish the most ample evidence; and in our opinion, as already explained, it is only in the circumstances to which it is known to have thus owed its prosperous condition, in an age so much later than that of Solomon, that we can find a probable explanation of the reasons which led to its original foundation by that monarch.

We do not again read of Tadmor in the Scriptures, nor is it likely that the Hebrews retained possession of it long after the death of Solomon. The internal divisions and the weakness which followed that event; the loss of external territory, and the rise of the kingdom of Damascus, sufficiently account for this. John of Antioch, probably from some tradition now lost, says that the city was destroyed by Nebuchadnezzar. It doubtless fell under the

power of that conqueror, whether he destroyed it or not. The first notice which we have in profane antiquity is that which states that Palmyra attracted the attention of Mark Antony when in Syria. He promised himself rich spoil from it, but was disappointed, as the inhabitants had transported their wealth beyond the Euphrates. In the time of 'Pliny, it was the intermediate emporium of the eastern trade, as we have mentioned, and in that character absorbed the wealth of the Romans and the Parthians, who, however hostile to each other, agreed in coveting the luxuries of India, which then seem to have come exclusively by the way of Arabia to the Palmyrenes, who dispersed them to the nations subject to the Romans on the one hand, and to the Parthians on the other. The friendship of Palmyra is said to have been courted by both the contending powers, whence we infer that, protected by its deserts, it still maintained its independence: but it was united soon after to the Roman empire as a free city. It was greatly favoured by the emperors; and under Hadrian and the Antonines attained the height of its glory, from which it fatally fell when Zenobia, throwing off the connection with Rome, proclaimed herself empress of Palmyra and the East, and, after a brief interval of splendour, was taken captive, and her city desolated by Aurelian. The latest fact concerning the town in Roman history is that the emperor Justinian, in the sixth century, fortified it, and placed a garrison in it, after it had been for some time deserted. To the blank in its history which follows, we are only able to supply one fact, which is, that it was one of the very first conquests of the Arabians in Syria, in the time of Abubekr; for we find its name as one of the four towns which Serjabil told the governor of Bostra that the Moslems had already taken (Ockley, p. 31). The next notice of it as an inhabited place is by the Spanish

Jew, Benjamin of Tudela, who was there in the twelfth found in the ruins and rubbish of more ancient buildings century. He says there were then 4000 Jews in the place, which are observed in several parts, and form ridges of who were at continual war with the children of Edom,' shapeless hillocks covered with soil and herbage, such and with certain Arabian tribes. In connection with this as now alone mark the sites of the most ancient cities in statement it is interesting to observe, that the existing in. Mesopotamia and Babylonia. scriptions of Palmyra attest the presence of Jews there in As there is no circumstance, beyond the site which they its most flourishing period; and that they, in common with occupy, attaching a Scriptural interest to the present ruins the other inhabitants, shared in the general trade, and of Palmyra, we shall not enter into any detailed descripwere objects of public honours. One inscription intimates tion of them ; but leave it to our cuts to convey that the erection of a statue to Julius Schalmalat, a Jew, for general impression which is alone in this case necessary. having at his own cxpense conducted a caravan to Pal- We may add, however, that the site of Palmyra is not myra. This was A.D. 258, not long before the time of to be understood as quite open to the desert in every diZenobia, who, according to some accounts, was of the rection. To the west and north-west there are hills, Jewish religion. Irby and Mangles also noticed a Hebrew through which a narrow valley, about two miles in length, inscription on an architrave in the great colonnade, but leads to the city. On each side of this valley occur what give no copy of it, nor say what it expressed. The latest seem to have been the sepulchres of the ancient inhabitants. historical notice of Tadmor we can find is, that it was They are marked by square towers, and are found to conplundered in 1400 by the army of Timur Beg (Tamer- tain mummies, resembling those of Egypt. Beyond this lane), when 200,000 sheep were taken. At present, and valley the city itself bursts upon the view with wonderful for a long time past, the spot has had no other inhabitants effect. The thousands of Corinthian columns of white than a clan of Arabs, who claim the property of the dis- marble, erect and fallen, and covering an extent of about trict, and whose miserable hovels, established in the a mile and a half, offer an appearance which travellers peristyle court of the great temple, furnish the most compare to that of a forest; a comparison suggested in a striking possible contrast of meanness with magnificence. great degree by the general absence of the connecting

These Arabs, who make travellers pay heavily for per- walls which anciently associated these pillars to the dismission to visit the place, are firmly of opinion that the tinct piles of building to which they belonged, and the present ruins belong to the original city founded by So- want of which often leaves the spectator at a loss to lomon; and, as is usual with them, their denominations of arrange the columns in any order which might enable the more conspicuous remains are all founded on this very him to discover the original purpose of their erectiou. erroneous notion. The fact is, that all the ruins which The site on which the city stands is slightly elevated now engage the attention of the spectator are in the style above the level of the surrounding desert, for a circuniof architecture which the Grecks and Romans introduced ference of about ten miles; which the Arabs believe to into Asia; and, from the uniformity of style compared coincide with the extent of the ancient city, as they find with the evidence offered by inscriptions, it is supposed ancient remains wherever they dig within this space. that they were mostly erected during the first three cen. There are indeed traces of an old wall, not more than turies of the Christian era. If there be anything now bc- three miles in circumference; but this was probably built longing to the Tadmor of Solomon, it may perhaps be by Justinian, at a time when Palmyra had lost its ancient

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PALMYRA.-Near View of a Portion of the Ruins.

importance, and had become a desolate place; and it was consequently desirable to contract its bounds, so as to include only the more valuable portion. Volney well describes the general aspect which these ruins offer :'In the space covered by these ruins we sometimes find a palace, of which nothing remains but the court and walls ; sometimes a temple whose peristyle is half thrown down; and now a portico, a gallery, or triumphal arch. Here stand groups of columns, whose symmetry is destroyed by the fall of many of them; there, we see them ranged in rows of such length that, similar to rows of trees, they deceive the sight and assume the appearance of continued walls. If from this striking scene we cast our eyes upon the ground, another, almost as varied, presents itself: on all sides we behold nothing but subverted shafts, some whole, others shattered to pieces, or dislocated in their joints; and on which side so ever we look, the earth is strewed with vast stones, half-buried; with broken entablatures, mutilated friezes, disfigured reliefs, effaced sculptures, violated tombs, and altars defiled by dust.' HITTITE, IN Civil Dress.-Rosellini, M. R. Plate elvili. Voyage en Syrie, ii. 237.

It may be right to add, that the account which has been dence these sculptures offer, would hardly have been more recently given of these ruins, by Captains Irby and suspected, and which give a fresh emphasis to those inMangles, is a much less glowing one than of other tra- timations concerning the care of the beard among the vellers, English and French. They speak indeed with

Hebrews themselves, which are of no unfrequent occuradmiration of the general view, which exceeded anything rence in Scripture. The Hittites in particular had a they had ever seen. But they add, 'Great, however, was

frightful custom of shaving a square place just above the our disappointment when, on a minute examination, we ear, leaving the hair on the side of the face and whiskers, found that there was not a single column, pediment, archi

which hung down in a long plaited lock. Most of the trave, portal, frieze, or any architectural remnant worthy

other nations of Canaan shaved some parts of the head in of admiration.' They inform us that none of the pillars

very fantastic fashions, which displease a cultivated eye: exceed four feet in diameter, or forty feet in height; that

and such customs among them are mentioned in Scripture the stone scarcely deserves the name of marble, though (see Jer. ix. 26, and the note there; and xxv. 21-23, marstriking from its snowy whiteness; that no part of the ginal readings), and are expressly forbidden to the Israel. ruins taken separately excite any interest, and are alto

ites in Lev. xix. 27. The war costume of the Hittites gether much inferior to those of Baalbck; and that the plates in the magnificent work of Messrs. Wood and Dawkins do far more than justice to Palmyra. Perhaps this difference of estimate may arise from the fact that earlier travellers found more wonderful and finished works at Palmyra than their information had prepared them to expect; whereas, in the later instance, the finished representations in the plates of Wood's great work, raised the expectations so highly, that the disappointment inclined the mind to rather a detractive estimate of the claims of this ruined city—“Tadmor in the wilderness.'

7. All the people that were left; etc.--As this circumstance is the closing incident in the history of the Canaanitish nations here specified, we shall introduce a few observations to bring out such information concerning them as may be gathered from the Egyptian antiquities. This information is afforded chiefly by the sculptures which exhibit the wars of Rameses 11., Sesostris, and Rameses iv., with the nations of Canaan, from B.c. 1355 to B.C. 1205, the incidents of which are represented with great effect and spirit, affording very interesting and desirable information respecting the dress, the personal HITTITE, IN WAR DRESS.-Rosellini, M. R. Plate liv. appearance, and many of the usages of the Canaanites in the age of their greatness, before their power was broken consisted of a helmet or skull-cap extending far down the hy the Israelites.

neck behind and cut out high and square above the ear, The Hittites.'-— These are exhibited in the sculp- so as to leave exposed the bald place and the long lock tures referred to in the last note, in accordance with which they deemed a personal ornament. It was secured Scripture, as one of the most powerful of the nations of under the chin by a strong band or cheek-string, probably Canaan. They are represented as wearing tunics gathered of metal like the helmet. The badges of distinction were into a knot on the left shoulder, so as to leave the right one or two ostrich feathers. Their war-dress was prin. arm at liberty. They are plain, but of bright colours, cipally distinguished from that of their immediate neighwith a deep edging of lace or embroidery. Below this hours by a kind of cape or short mantle (worn also by the was another garment, in the form of a skirt or kilt, of Tyrians), which was tied in front either by the two ends similar colour and pattern, but somewhat short, scarcely of the cloth, or by cords with tassels at the end; and reaching to the knees. The complexion, as given by the another characteristic was the girdle (worn also by the Egyptian artists, though dark, was florid rather than Moabites), which was broad and thick, and hung down in sallow, and the hair black : the features were regular, front with a long end terminating in a ball and tassel. with a very prominent and somewhat hooked nose : This girdle was long enough to pass round the neck across the beard, mustachios, and even the eyebrows, were the breast, and thus formed a piece of defensive armour, all closely shaved-and in fact the practice of shaving illustrative of the military use of the girdle as mentioned these parts, and even the hair of the head, prevailed in Scripture. The bow is the only weapon which the among the natives to a degree which, without the evi- Hittites are represented as using.

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The Amorites.'-The dress used by the Amorites in war was less distinguished than that of some of the other tribes of Canaan from the ordinary dress of civil life, and bore much resemblance to that of the Tyrians, as described ander Ezek. xxvii. They wore the hair and beard long; the former confined by a fillet, which tied behind in a bow and two long lappets. The badge of distinction for the chiefs is similar to the heron feather of the Scottish

bonnet ;' it was inserted in the fillet at the forehead and fell backward, and in some instances it was worn in a skull-cap. They do not appear to have had any defensive armour. The dress cousisted of a close tunic fastened at the throat, with sleeves reaching down the arm half-way to the elbow. It was fastened at the waist with a broad girdle, knotted in front with a bow and lappet. Their arms consisted of an oblong shield, and a bow, which was shorter than that of the Egyptians. The use of horses and chariots by this and the neighbouring tribes of Canaan is indicated in Josh. xi, 4; and the sculptures shew these chariots, which are of a clumsy form, with solid wooden wheels, and drawn by two horses. The complexion as

JEBUSITE.-Rosellini, M. R. Plate lxvii. "signed to the Amorites by the Egyptian artists is sallow, the eyes blue, the eyebrows and beard red, but the hair so although satisfied that the tribes represented were actually much darker as to be painted black. The features are inhabitants of Canaan and the neighbouring countries. As regular, and the nose less prominent than in some other to the nation regarded as Jebusites, the annexed figure,

which is one of those at Beit-el-Wally, will give a good idea of the general appearance and array of this people. They wore a kind of corselet, and a stiff cap which was confined to the head by a narrow fillet passing round many times and knotted in front. They also used a helmet of peculiar form, with a peak behind to defend the neck. Their arms were the shield, the spear, of which they usually carried two, the bow, the club or battle-axe, a sword of singular forın, and a short curved staft, apparently of heavy wood, which seems to have been a kind of throw-stick, and must have inflicted a dreadful blow. The whole subject as to the identification of the Canaanitish races deserves more attention than it has yet received, aud research in this direction may eventually

throw much light upon the most ancient and obscure porAMORITE.-Rosellini, M. R. Plale liii.

tion of the history of Palestine.

10. Two hundred and fifty.'-In 1 Kings ix. 23, we tribes. The figure is taken from a piece at Karnak repre

have five hundred and fifty. We see no means of senting the capture of a fort of the Amorites by the Egyp: reconciling this. One of the numbers must have been tians.

corrupted. The Perizzites, the Hivites, and the Jebusites.' 17."" To Ezion-geber, and to Eloth, at the sea side in the The Perizzites and the Hivites have not yet been recog- land of Edom.'—These two places were near each other nized as figured on the Egyptian monuments; but figures at the head of the eastern gulf of the Red Sea, now called of a nation supposed to be identified as Jebusites are of the gulf of Akabah. Of Eloth or Elath, and of the hisfrequent occurrence under circumstances which agree torical relations of the two places, see the note on Deut. with and illustrate the relative rank which the Scriptures ii. 8. In that note we have expressed the opinion that assign to this nation. That these and the others to whom Ezion-geber was the properly marine station, and that Elath our statement refers were of the nations from whom the was the proper entrepôt and seat of commercial relations. Israelites were enabled to wrest the good land of Canaan Elath is still recognized in the existing Akabah, but there is no reason to question, and this is sufficient for Ezion-geber is extinct. Josephus says that it lay near much interesting illustration respecting the arms, accou- Ælana or Elath, and was afterwards called Berenice. But trements, persons, dress, and other circumstances of the it is mentioned no more, and no trace of it seems now to nations with whom the Israelites had to do, and, indirectly, remain ; unless it be, as Dr. Robinson conjectures, in the of those of the Israelites themselves, whose modes of war- name of a small wady with brackish water, el-Ghůdyân, fare, armour, and forms of dress must in general effect opening into the Arabah from the western mountain, have had more resemblance to these the contemporary in- some distance north of Akabah. However different the habitants of the same country, than to any others which names of el-Ghůdyan and Ezion may be in appearance, pictorial antiquities exhibit. So with the Jebusites ; the yet the letters in Arabic and Hebrew all correspond. The identification appears to us far from being clearly made name 'Asyûn, mentioned by Makrizi (as quoted by Burckout, and if admitted, involves conditions hardly compatible hardt, p. 511), seems merely to refer to the ancient city, with the geographical conditions of the country they are of which he had heard or read. Schubert suggests (Reise, known to have occupied. This is not the place for the ii. 379) that the little island Kureiyeh may have been the discussion of the question, and while waiting for that site of Ezion-geber, but this is merely a small rock in the further light on this and other matters which it is by no sea, 300 yards long. See Robinson's Researches, i. 251. means unlikely that a few years may furnish, we are con- 18. Four hundred and fifty:'-In 1 Kings ix. 28, tent to guard ourselves from being supposed to deem as * Four hundred and twenty. There can be no doubt that conclusive the evidence on which these identifications rest, one of these pumbers is corrupt.

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