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king; whatsoever she desired was given her to go with her out of the house of the women unto the king's house.

14 In the evening she went, and on the morrow she returned into the second house of the women, to the custody of Shaashgaz, the king's chamberlain, which kept the concubines; she came in unto the king no more, except the king delighted in her, and that she were called by name.

15 Now when the turn of Esther, the daughter of Abihail the uncle of Mordecai, who had taken her for his daughter, was come to go in unto the king, she required nothing but what Hegai the king's chamberlain, the keeper of the women, appointed. And Esther obtained favour in the sight of all them that looked upon her.

16 So Esther was taken unto king Ahasuerus into his house royal in the tenth month, which is the month Tebeth, in the seventh year of his reign.

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17 And the king loved Esther above all the women, and she obtained grace and 'favour in his sight more than all the virgins; so that he set the royal crown upon her head, and made her queen instead of Vashti.

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17. Made her queen.'-It seems throughout this book that the Persian kings had but one queen, properly so called. But it appears, from profane history and from intimations in this chapter, that there were a considerable number of secondary wives ('concubines' in our version), and of other females who had not reached this distinction. The principle on which the female establishments of the Persian kings have been formed and conducted seem to have undergone little change from the most ancient times; and therefore the modern establishment may furnish satisfactory illustrations of the ancient, and consequently may explain some passages of the present book, in which there are continual allusions to the condition of such establishments.

The female establishment of the king occupies an extensive interior building, or collection of buildings, called the haram (or sacred place), which is as secluded as a nunnery from the observation of the world. These interior palaces sometimes display considerable magnificence, but generally want such large and splendid halls as those which the exterior and public buildings exhibit. The finest apartments of the haram are those more especially appropriated to the king's use; for here, properly speaking, is his private residence, where he sleeps and spends much of his time. He is the only male (except children) ever seen there, the

other inmates being exclusively women and eunuchs. The haram is divided into several quarters, each having its governor, under the orders of the daroga, already mentioned. In this establishment exist the same officers, guards, and functionaries, as in the public court; but they are all occupied and discharged by females. It is an Amazonian city in miniature. In the present chapter we find three classes of women: 1, the queen; 2, the secondary wives (concubines' in our version), who, after having engaged the notice of the king, occupied a part of the haram different from that in which they had previously lived; 3, the women not thus distinguished, and therefore, for the time, of an inferior class. With some necessary differences, similar distinctions continue to prevail. The principal difference is, that the king has several legal wives, besides those of a secondary class. The accommodation and attendance of the women varies according to their rauk-from the distinguished wife, with her separate apartment and many slaves, down, through various degrees, to the slaves who minister to the wants and amusements of the superior ladies, and are subject to their control. The first business of the king in the morning, after he is risen, is, says Sir J. Malcolm,to sit from one to two hours in the hall of the haram, where his levees are conducted with the same ceremony as in his outer apartment. Female officers arrange the crowd of his wives and slaves with the strictest attention to the order of precedency. After hearing the reports of these intrusted with the internal government of the haram, and consulting with his principal wives, who are generally seated, the monarch leaves the interior apartments' (History, ii. 548). He adds, in a note, that 'When the king is seated on his throne in the public hall of his haram, no one but the highest born and most favoured of his legitimate wives are allowed to sit in his presence. It

is said that two only of the present (late) king's wives enjoy that privilege. This passage will be useful presently in illustrating the beginning of the fifth chapter.

21. Mordecai sat in the king's gate.-From the frequent mention of his presence there, it seems that he had some official employment at court. Some fancy that he was a porter; which is altogether an unnecessary supposition, when we recollect that it was and is the custom in the East for officers of the court and the state to wait about the gates and in the outer courts of their princes till their

attendance is required. Xenophon mentions that it was determined, in an assembly of Persians and others, that the men of note and quality should always attend at the gates of Cyrus, and yield themselves to his service, in whatever he required, until he dismissed them. This, he thinks, was the origin of the custom which prevailed in his time, for those who were under the king to remain in attendance at his gates. Mordecai may therefore have been a person of consideration, notwithstanding his attendance at the royal gates.

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CHAPTER III.

1 Haman, advanced by the king, and despised by Mordecai, seeketh revenge upon all the Jews. 7 He casteth lots. 8 He obtaineth by calumniation a decree of the king to put the Jews to death.

AFTER these things did king Ahasuerus promote Haman the son of Hammedatha the Agagite, and advanced him, and set his seat above all the princes that were with him.

2 And all the king's servants' that were in the king's gate, bowed, and reverenced Haman for the king had so commanded concerning him. But Mordecai bowed not, But Mordecai bowed not, nor did him reverence.

3 Then the king's servants, which were in

the king's gate, said unto Mordecai, Why transgressest thou the king's commandment? 4 Now it came to pass, when they spake daily unto him, and he hearkened not unto them, that they told Haman, to see whether Mordecai's matters would stand: for he had told them that he was a Jew.

5 And when Haman saw that Mordecai bowed not, nor did him reverence, then was Haman full of wrath.

6 And he thought scorn to lay hands on Mordecai alone; for they had shewed him the people of Mordecai: wherefore Haman sought to destroy all the Jews that were throughout the whole kingdom of Ahasuerus, even the people of Mordecai.

7 In the first month, that is, the month Nisan, in the twelfth year of king Ahasuerus, they cast Pur, that is, the lot, before Haman from day to day, and from month to month, to the twelfth month, that is, the month Adar.

8 ¶ And Haman said unto king Ahasuerus, There is a certain people scattered abroad and dispersed among the people in all the provinces of thy kingdom; and their laws are diverse from all people; neither keep they the king's laws: therefore it is not 'for the king's profit to suffer them.

9 If it please the king, let it be written 'that they may be destroyed: and I will pay ten thousand talents of silver to the hands of those that have the charge of the business, to bring it into the king's treasuries.

10 And the king took his ring from his hand, and gave it unto Haman the son of Hammedatha the Agagite, the Jews' 'enemy. 11 And the king said unto Haman, The silver is given to thee, the people also, to do with them as it seemeth good to thee.

12 Then were the king's 'scribes called on the thirteenth day of the first month, and

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Verse 1.Haman.... the Agagite.'-Agag was the common name of the kings of Amalek, whence the Targums and Josephus understand that he was descended from the kings of those ancient and doomed enemies of the Jews. Probably the word means no more than Amalekite, in the general sense.

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Advanced him, and set his seat above all the princes that were with him.'-What degree of respect was attached to higher seats and places may be learned from the following anecdote, mentioned by Hanway in his Travels through Persia, i. 318: The next day, in a visit I made this khan, his son, the governor, arose hastily from his seat and retired: I soon understood from my interpreter that I had ignorantly affronted him, by going higher up the room than he was seated, though I was on the opposite side. I could hardly avoid laughing at so ridiculous a ceremony, especially as I was his guest; but whether it was at his option, his father being present, to go as high up the room as he pleased, it seemed as little consistent with my own health as common regard to my own dignity to sit near the door. The Persians treat their superiors in rank in the most awful manner, hardly having any voice or opinion, or thinking themselves obliged while in their presence to acts of civility, even in their houses.'

This distinction was probably shewn to Haman at such times as the king invited the princes to supper. Xenophon, who however attributes the origin of too many Persian institutions to Cyrus, says that this prince intimated the estimation in which the persons invited were held, by the station he assigned them at his table. The person he desired most to honour he set at his left hund, which is still the post of honour in many parts of the East, because, as Xenophon explains, that side being defenceless, greater confidence is expressed in the person stationed there. This privilege of place was not however perpetual; a man might rise to this distinction by honourable deeds, and another might lose his high seat by misconduct or neglect.

there was written according to all that Haman had commanded unto the king's lieutenants, and to the governors that were over every province, and to the rulers of every people of every province according to the writing thereof, and to every people after their language; in the name of king Ahasuerus was it written, and sealed with the king's ring.

13 And the letters were sent by posts into all the king's provinces, to destroy, to kill, and to cause to perish, all Jews, both young and old, little children and women, in one day, even upon the thirteenth day of the twelfth month, which is the month Adar, and to take the spoil of them for a prey.

14 The copy of the writing for a commandment to be given in every province was published unto all people, that they should be ready against that day.

15 The posts went out, being hastened by the king's commandment, and the decree was given in Shushan the palace. And the king and Haman sat down to drink; but the city Shushan was perplexed.

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It seems that this distinction was much envied, for the same writer describes Hystaspes (the father of Darius Hystaspes) as venturing to ask Cyrus why Chrysantas was preferred to it rather than himself. Cyropædia, viii. 5.

4. He had told them that he was a Jew:-This no doubt came out in the explanation which he gave of his reasons for declining to render homage to the Amalekite; which was doubtless founded upon the old enmity between the races of Israel and Amalek, and upon the ancient wrongs which Israel had sworn never to pardon or forget. It requires some knowledge of the intense importance which the Orientals have in all ages attached to external indications of respect, to comprehend the dire wrath which filled the breast of Haman at the conduct of Mordecai in withholding the customary marks of respect. When he learned that Mordecai was a Hebrew, he could not but be aware of the class of feelings by which he was actuated; and if an Israelite had cause to hate an Amalekite, had not an Amalekite good cause to hate a Jew? Had not the Hebrews sworn to exterminate the Amalekites; and to the extent of their power had they not done so? Had not that power which was once so great, that higher than Agag' had become a proverbial description of the highest human greatness-had it not been broken and reduced to nought by the conquering sword of Hebrew kings? And their hate was not yet appeased; for this one Jew could be but regarded as the exponent of the feeling which burned in every Hebrew against the line of Amalek. Thoughts like these must have dwelt upon the mind of Haman, for they enable us to discern, which we cannot do under any other explanation, a train of ideas and feelings which might in an ill-regulated mind lead to the resolution which Haman formed, to use the vast power which the confidence of the king left in his hands for the destruction of the whole Hebrew race.

7. They cast Pur, that is, the lot.'-The Septuagint preserves a clause of this verse which assists to explain its

meaning. It thus reads: They cast Pur, that is, the lot, before Haman, from day to day, and from month to month (that he might destroy in one day the race of Mordecai, and the lot fell for the fourteenth) of the twelfth month, that is, the month Adar.' From this it appears that the lots were cast in order to determine the month and the day of the month which might be most propitious for this barbarous undertaking, or most calamitous for the Jews. The practice of inquiring the propitious time for particular measures, whether of great or small importance, is still in full vigour in the East, and particularly so among the Persians. The lucky day, hour, or moment is sought on all occasions, and by all classes of persons. No one commences a journey, or even puts on a new dress, without consulting the astrologer or the almanac for a fortunate moment. The king himself keeps an astrologer of great reputation for the purpose; and those who cannot afford to get special directions from an astrologer, consult the almanac, in which the lucky and unlucky days are distinguished, with particular directions concerning the days proper for particular measures-such, in short, as we see in our old almanacs, or indeed in almanacs of recent date. In the East and West, the superstition of unlucky and lucky days has been in principle the same: in both, the almanacs have been made subservient to it after the same fashion; telling people on certain days to take no journey, to begin nothing, to put on new apparel, to begin calculations and writings, to write letters, to buy weapons, to repair to kings, to put children to school, to abstain from medicine, to hire a servant, to take a wife, to give gifts to kings, to begin a journey, to let ambassadors and messengers proceed, to take heed of princes--with other such directions, fixing suitable or unsuitable days for all the contingencies of public or private life. Almanacs of this kind are very old, and the ideas which they develop are still older. The Egyptians had something of the sort. To determine the contingency by lot was, however, a simpler idea than to apply to the stars for information.

This superstition, of taking lots upon every event, was practised by the ancient Chinese as well as by the ancient Persians. The ancient books of the Chinese enable us to ascertain the importance which they attached to the lot: and the usages thus ascertained seem to throw more light on the scriptural intimations than can be found in the trivialities of modern Oriental usage. By the Jews themselves, the lot was only resorted to on extraordinary occasions; and the employment of the lot on such occasions was not only not discouraged, but was highly sanctioned and approved. The territories of the tribes were distributed by lot; the first king of Israel was chosen by lot; and of two persons whose succession to the apostleship of Judas seemed equipoised, the choice was referred to the lot. Among the Chinese, it seems to have been the leading principle that the lot was only to be resorted to in matters which human sagacity could not determine, and concerning which it could not be considered that the will of God had already been sufficiently indicated. In the Chou-King, it is stated that the emperor Chun having chosen Yu at first for his minister, and after for his successor, this great man, whose modesty equalled his merit, resisted the nomination, and proposed others whom he thought more worthy of the throne than himself. Finding that no attention was paid to his protests, he demanded that the choice should be committed to the decision of fate. But Chun would not hear of this, because it appeared to him that the will of heaven had already been clearly manifested.

There are some passages of the Li Ki which sufficiently inform us as to the opinion of the ancient Chinese regarding this ceremony of drawing lots. It is there stated that great ceremonies have their fixed days, and that fate is only to be consulted on extraordinary and accidental occasions. Our ancient kings made use of the Po and the Chi [forms of the lot], by which they dissipated the doubts of the people, and determined matters of consequence for them. The ancients say: If you doubt, consult the Chi, and say no more that the thing ought not to be done.

The day being arrived, the hand must be put to the work.' If they wish to know anything by the voice of fate, they try but once. The subject of the reference must be in itself good and according to reason, for otherwise there ought to be no recourse to it.' The Chinese commentators are very diffuse on all these and other texts of the Li Ki. The most distinct results which they exhibit are-1. That events depend on the Spirit; 2. That the designs of the Spirit are impenetrable in all that concerns the common order of our duties; 3. That the Almighty sometimes manifests his will in a striking manner; and, 4. That princes made it a point of religion to abandon all enterprises and projects which the Spirit disapproved by the lot. Lu-chi, in particular, expresses himself thus: 'We consult fate upon doubtful things, to shew our respect for the Spirit, and decide by his permission. When he manifests his will, we dare not resist. Thus the prince seeing the people hesitate on a change of capital, or the soldiers upon a battle, etc., he consults fate, and whatever it indicates is a decision. It is thus that our pious ancestors evinced their respect for the Spirit, and taught the people to submit themselves to his will.'

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8. There is a certain people,' etc.-Not a little remarkable is the mode in which Haman proceeded to realize his object. He took occasion to mention to the king that there was dispersed through his empire a people (not naming them) whose laws are diverse from all people, neither keep they the king's laws;' he hence argued that it was detrimental to the interests of the crown that such a people should be suffered to exist; and he therefore recommended that they should be destroyed. The only reasonable objection which could be urged would be the loss to the revenue of the capitation tax which these people paid; and to obviate this Haman offered to deposit in the royal treasury not less than ten thousand talents of silver. The offer of this immense sum, which, computed by the Babylonian talent, is equal to two millions sterling-and for the mere purpose of gratifying a bloody whim-evinces the wealth which such favourites of the crown under the ancient monarchies were able to accumulate; and this is the more remarkable when we consider that this high post was, as in this case, often occupied by foreigners and slaves, or by the descendants of such. This renders it the less wonderful that Nehemiah was in a condition to sustain the charges of his government from his own resources. It will be recollected that Haman appears to have been the chief minister of the king, and that functionary, probably then as at present in Persia, enjoyed peculiar opportunities for the acquisition of wealth. On New Year's day, the king receives the offerings of his princes and nobles; on one such occasion, when Mr. Morier was present, the offering of the person holding this office surpassed every other in value, amounting to about 30,000l. in gold coin. statements are extant concerning the extraordinary wealth possessed by some of the subjects of the ancient Persian empire. In the reign of Xerxes, the father of this Ahasuerus, a noble Lydian named Pythius entertained the whole Persian army-the largest ever assembled on its march towards Greece; and then freely offered to contribute all his property in gold and silver to the support of the war. It amounted altogether to 2000 talents of silver and 4,000,000 (wanting 7000) of gold Darics-more than four millions of our money; besides which he had, as he said, estates and slaves which would still afford him a suitable maintenance. This noble offer was declined by the king, as that of Haman was by Ahasuerus. Herodotus, vii. 27-30.

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10. The king took his ring from his hand, and gave it unto Haman.'-This was as a mark of his acquiescence, and to give Haman the power of executing his designs. In China, when a minister sets out to the wars, the emperor, if he is in high favour, gives him a particular seal, which confers on him the power of life or death, of commanding the government of the provinces, of raising the troops, etc. But this seal is always given with great ceremony at the palace. See the notes on Gen. xli. 42; Kings xxi. 8.

CHAPTER IV.

I The great mourning of Mordecai and the Jews. 4 Esther, understanding it, sendeth to Mordecai, who sheweth the cause, and adviseth her to undertake the suit. 10 She excusing herself is threatened by Mordecai. 15 She appointing a fast undertaketh the suit.

WHEN Mordecai perceived all that was done, Mordecai rent his clothes, and put on sackcloth with ashes, and went out into the midst of the city, and cried with a loud and a bitter cry;

2 And came even before the king's gate: for none might enter into the king's gate clothed with sackcloth.

3 And in every province, whithersoever the king's commandment and his decree came, there was great mourning among the Jews, and fasting, and weeping, and wailing; and 'many lay in sackcloth and ashes.

4 So Esther's maids and her chamberlains came and told it her. Then was the queen exceedingly grieved; and she sent raiment to clothe Mordecai, and to take away his sackcloth from him: but he received it not.

5 Then called Esther for Hatach, one of the king's chamberlains, "whom he had appointed to attend upon her, and gave him a commandment to Mordecai, to know what it was, and why it was.

6 So Hatach went forth to Mordecai unto the street of the city, which was before the king's gate.

7 And Mordecai told him of all that had happened unto him, and of the sum of the money that Haman had promised to pay to the king's treasuries for the Jews, to destroy

them.

8 Also he gave him the copy of the writing of the decree that was given at Shushan to destroy them, to shew it unto Esther, and to

1 Heb. sackcloth and ashes were laid under many.

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2 Heb. eunuchs.

Verse 1. Mordecai rent his clothes, and put on sackcloth with ashes, and went out into the midst of the city, and cried with a loud and a bitter cry.'-The cries of grief are much the same in all countries; and it is not astonishing that other signs less natural are so different among different people and nations. Among the Chinese, whose usages often furnish a living exhibition of ancient Oriental usages not elsewhere preserved, the tearing the clothes has always been, as among the Jews, one of the great signs of grief. The ancient written character for the word mourning habits means, when analyzed, the wearing of clothes rent or disordered. When they weep over the coffin of one they have tenderly loved, with tears, sighs, and sobs, they strike their bosoms, and pull their clothes as if they would tear them in pieces. Laws cannot command grief, but it regulates

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declare it unto her, and to charge her that she should go in unto the king, to make supplication unto him, and to make request before him for her people.

9 And Hatach came and told Esther the words of Mordecai.

10 Again Esther spake unto Hatach, and gave him commandment unto Mordecai; 11 All the king's servants, and the people of the king's provinces, do know, that whosoever, whether man or woman, shall come unto the king into the inner court, who is not called, there is one law of his to put him to death, except such to whom the king shall hold out the golden sceptre, that he may live: but I have not been called to come in unto the king these thirty days.

12 And they told to Mordecai Esther's words.

13 Then Mordecai commanded to answer Esther, Think not with thyself that thou shalt escape in the king's house, more than all the Jews.

14 For if thou altogether holdest thy peace at this time, then shall there 'enlargement and deliverance arise to the Jews from another place; but thou and thy father's house shall be destroyed: and who knoweth whether thou art come to the kingdom for such a time as

15 Then Esther bade them return Mordecai this answer,

16 Go, gather together all the Jews that are present in Shushan, and fast ye for me, and neither eat nor drink three days, night or day: I also and my maidens will fast likewise; and so will I go in unto the king, which is not according to the law and if I perish, I perish.

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17 So Mordecai went his way, and did according to all that Esther had commanded him.

3 Heb. whom he had set before her.
6 Heb. passed.

4 Heb. respiration.

the manifestation of it as a matter belonging to the exterior decencies of society. Hence there are many regulations for the whole conduct of manners, founded on and illustrating the habits of the people. Among these we find that widows rend their garments in the intensity of their extreme grief. The monograph for he put on sackcloth' exactly represents the mourning cloth of the Chinese. This is a large white linen cloth coarsely sewn, and has strips of half ravelled linen in lieu of buttons and buttonholes. The grandees and princes are on a level with the people in this respect. Their clothes of grief are as coarse and as negligent as those of the poorest people, and all the marks of their grandeur disappear.

We do not find that in China they cover the head with ashes in their mourning; but they have a practice of the

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