This recorded comet has, in the opinion of Mr. Hind, a great analogy to the one in question, and is very probably the same comet which appeared in 1264. The comet of 1556 was observed by Fabricius, astronomer at the court of the Emperor Charles V., at Vienna; and his original observations, together with a chart of the comet's path, were recently discovered; as were also a longer series of observations by Heller, of Nurnberg, embracing a period of fifty-three daysthe time for which, as it would seem, the comet remained visible on its last visit, it having been seen early in March, and remained visible until late in April. From the data previously known, Richard Dunthorne, (an English astronomer,) Halley, and Monsieur Pingré, the French astronomer, and more lately Mr. Hind himself, concluded that one and the same comet appeared in 1556 and 1264, and might be expected to reappear after the lapse of a similar interval, (1848,) and the subsequently recovered observations are said to confirm, in a very remarkable manner, the results which had been deduced by Mr. Hind. Meantime, Monsieur Bomme, a Dutch astronomer, undertook the laborious work of calculating what changes the orbit of the comet would undergo in consequence of perturbations by the planets; and his conclusion was recently stated by the Rev. Professor Chevallier, of Durham, to be such as to account for the non-appearance of the comet in 1848. The Dutch astronomer computes its return to have been retarded for ten years and a half by those pertubations, or until the close of 1858; and referring to that calculation, the Durham professor said in December, 1856, that "there is a high probability that the comet will reappear within perhaps two years of the period it assigns." It is proper to quote here what Mr. Hind has said on this subject since the publication of his pamphlet. When the comet that appeared in August, 1853, became visible without a telescope, Sir W. R. Hamilton, in a letter published in the Dublin papers at the time, hinted at the possibility of that visitant being the comet of a long period that was expected by Mr. Hind, who thereupon took the opportunity to explain that the elements of the orbits have no resemblance; and he adds, "the comet referred to will probably reappear between the years 1858 and 1861, and if the perihelion passage take place during the summer months, we may expect to see a body of far more imposing aspect than the one at present visible." This comet of August, 1853, afforded an example of the enormous volume of cometary matter; the bright nucleus had an actual diameter about equal to that of the earth, while the tail had a length of four million five hundred thousand miles, and a breadth greater than the distance separating the moon and the earth. The probable aspect and character of the expected comet is not entirely matter of speculation. Nearly all historians who have written on events of the thirteenth century (some of whom were eye-witnesses of the facts they relate) mention the comet of 1264 as a great and splendid object. The terms in which it is referred to indicate that, in apparent size and brilliancy, it must at all events have far surpassed any comet previously seen by the observers. Matthew Paris, the historian monk of St. Albans, says it rose in the east with great splendor, and its tail stretched past the mid-heavens towards the west. It was observed by the Chinese astronomers also; but neither Matthew Paris nor the Chinese astronomers afford any thing more definite as to its apparent magnitude. When seen in 1556 the apparent diameter of the nucleus was about half that of the moon, and the tail was of such length as to astonish and terrify beholders. If the comet has not much diminished in brilliancy since the times when its bright nucleus and luminous train alarmed our forefathers-if, in fact, old age shall not have told upon its constitution, and time have thinned its flowing hair-the comet will present an imposing object in our summer evenings, especially if its perihelion passage should occur in the month of July; still it has been doubted whether it will equal in brilliancy Donati's comet, which formed so splendid and conspicuous an object in the evening sky during its perihelion passage about Michaelmas, 1858.* Mr. Hind states that, when the comet shall have passed its perihelion and be receding from the sun, it will pass within the earth's orbit near to that part traversed by the earth in the month of September; so that if the comet should be moving in that *Its distance at that time from the sun was computed at 55,000,000 miles. part of its orbit in the autumn, it will probably appear as a very large one, and at the beginning of September we should be distant from it about thirty-five millions of miles. In 1264, the distance of the comet from the earth seems to have been greater, or three fifths of the mean distance of the earth from the sun. But although the reäppearance of the comet supposed to be now on its way to visit us would establish its identity with the comet of 975, 1264, and 1556, and the wondrous fact that we may add to the list of known comets a body which revisits our solar system in a period little short of three hundred years, a still more extraordinary comet is known to astronomers -namely, the comet which was observed, for the fourth time, in 1680, its apparitions being separated by no less than five hundred and seventy-four years. This comet is considered (and, as Sir John Herschel remarks, with the highest appearance of probability) to be identical with a magnificent comet observed at Constantinople and in Palestine, and referred by cotemporary historians, both European and Chinese, to the year 1105; with the comet of the time of Justinian, (539,) which was seen at noonday close to the sun; with the famous "Julian Star," or comet of the year 43 B.C., which was also observed in the day-time, recorded by Pliny to have appeared after the death of Cæsar, while the Emperor Augustus was celebrating the games of Venus Genetrix in Caesar's honor; and, finally, though on merely conjectural grounds, with two other comets, mention of which occurs in the Sibylline oracles and in a passage of Homer, and which are referred as well as the obscurity of chronology and the indications themselves will allow - to the years 618 and 1194 B.C. "Halley's comet," the comet of 1682, (the only known periodical comet which is to retrograde, that is to say, which moves in a direction opposite to that of the planets about the sun,) may likewise be traced back in history to a very early period, the eleventh year before Christ, and is perhaps more remarkable than the "Julian Star" for the terror it has occasioned. It was believed to presage the success of the Norman arms at the battle of Hastings; and in 1456 this comet-shaped like a scimitar-frightened alike the Turkish and the Christian host, but was made memorable by the sanguinary defeat of the Crescent before Belgrade. But the apparitions of the comet whose return is now expected were likewise omens of evil to the superstitious beholder. Its appearance in 975, the year in which Edward the Martyr began the brief reign that was so soon terminated by the Danes, was observed to be immediately followed by the death of John Zimisces, Einperor of the East; in 1264 it disappeared (on the second of October) when Pope Urban IV. died; and, in 1556, Charles V. is said to have regarded it as a presage of his approaching death, a fancy which, according to some historians, contributed to his abdication of the imperial crown in favor of his son Ferdinand, he having already renounced the crown of Spain in favor of Philip. But times and opinions have changed, and now the comet's fiery train will not "shed terror on gazing nations." It is not by any means as a subject of antiquarian curiosity only, or on account of the brilliant spectacle which comets occasionally afford, that so much interest appertains to them. To astronomers they have become, (as Sir John Herschel remarks,) through the medium of exact calculation, unexpected instruments of inquiry into points connected with the planetary system itself. Thus, for example, the movements of the comet of Encke (so minutely and perseveringly traced by the eminent astronomer whose name is used to distinguish it) have afforded ground for believing in the existence of a resisting medium, filling the whole of our system, and the perturbation which comets experience in passing near any of the planets has afforded information as to the magnitude of the disturbing masses. Although the motions of comets are known to be regulated by the same general laws as those of the planets, and most comets likewise move in elliptical orbits, those orbits (the reader need not be reminded) are much more elongated than the planetary orbits, and of peculiar form. Thus, with regard to the comet now expected, its perihelion distance is 48,000,000 miles, but it recedes to the inconceivable distance of 8,300,000,000 at its greatest elongation, while the breadth of the minor axis of this orbit is 1,260,000,000 miles. A calculation has been made which conduces to an idea of the magnitude of this orbit; the comet will take a year to reach a distance equal to that of Jupiter from the sun, and thirty years to reach the dis tance of Neptune, the most remote of the known planets of our solar system, but it will not have attained the extreme limit of its orbit for a hundred and twenty years more a distance which a traveler, at twenty miles an hour, could not reach under twenty thousand years. Well may comets, their physical constitution, their office in the universe, their magnitude, their wondrous movements, their singularity and mystery, and their periodical return from such regions of unknown worlds and starry depths of space, afford a perpetual stimulus to our curiosity and admiration! From the London Eclectic Review. THE GREAT ARMADA FIGHT.NO. II. * THE history of English maritime enter- | five tons. Meanwhile, a greater man prise is the brightest page of a brilliant than either of these had made a grander story. The roots of our naval supremacy exploration, which opened up the world stretch far back into Norman, Danish, to British enterprise and skill. The des and even Saxon times. In truth, it runs perate attempt to force a passage to the in the blood. There never was a time | N.E. and N.W. arose from the fear that when the English were not daring and the English Navy would never be able to successful sea-rovers. From Beowulf to cope with the great armaments of Spain Nelson it is the same tale. The Vikings and Portugal in the broad ocean. It was live again in the exploits of our great Ad- thought by our merchants that their only mirals. The Englishman is conscious of chance of trade was in the discovery of an an at-home-ness on the stormy ocean, independent track. A few casual encounwhich is unshared by any other people in ters between English and Spanish ships. the world. The age of Elizabeth opens a had a little shaken that opinion; and new era in our naval history. The sea- about the beginning of Elizabeth's reign, manship of England broke out in her the idea began to dawn on the minds of reign in a series of the most daring and our sea-captains that they need not fear consummate exploits recorded in history. to meet any armament in the world, even In a former paper, I have described the on the high seas. It was Drake and exploration of the Arctic Seas by her Hawkins chiefly who let this light in upon mariners. In that cradle was nursed the nation. In 1573 Drake made a most some of the courage and seamanship successful expedition to the West-Indies; which shone so conspicuously in the de- having first justified his somewhat pirati feat of the Armada. In 1576 Frobisher cal foray by the judgment of a pliant sailed to the Arctic Seas to force a new chaplain, "That as he had lost a considerpath to Cathay. Two boats, "between able sum by the treacherous dealings of twenty and twenty-five tunne a-piece," the Spaniards, he was justified in repaywere all that he thought needful to battle ing himself out of their treasure any with perils, which all the resources of the where about the world." Drake, who English Navy have since been tasked to had something of the Puritan about him, meet. He was moved, he tells us, by a joined with the sea-rover, doubtless found gallant hardihood, as it was the only comfort in the clerical license-a kind of thing in the world left undone, whereby a letter of marque sealed in the chancery notable mind might be made famous and of heaven-but I suspect, on the whole, fortunate." In 1585 John Davis discovered Davis' Strait, and reached 78° north, "The good old rule contented him, in the Moonshine, a little bark of thirtyThe simple plan, * See August Number, page 485. That they should take who have the power, where he captured an immense galleon laden with treasure; on board which he found most valuable maps and charts of the Indian seas. These proved most useful in opening up the unknown tracks of the Spanish commerce to our sailors. According to Camden, it led to the formation of our East-India Company. Then " having," as he says, with grim humor, returned home, "laden," as he writes to Lord Burleigh," with as much honor and victory as any man in the world could wish for." His expedition was the salvation of England. It truly decided the fate of the Armada. But his letter to the Government, printed in "Strype," contained the most grave and statesmanlike advice. "It is very necessary," he says, "that all possible preparations for defense be speedily made." Burleigh had full information from his agents in the chief Spanish ports; and in November, 1587, the Queen summoned a Special Council to consider of the defense of the realm. Of the eight able men called to the Council, Grenville, Raleigh, and Norris are the best known. In the Spanish Council, Camden tells us, there was high debate. Some advised a preliminary expedition from Flanders, to seize and hold some It is a rule which prevails much in a simple state of society, and in such a state is the only practical solution of many of the vexed questions of the time. In that expedition, from the top of a hill or tree, on the isthmus, he caught sight of the Pacific Ocean; and, falling on his knees, vowed by God's help to bear the English flag into those unknown seas. In 1577 he sailed, with five little ships and one hun-" singed the King of Spain's beard," he dred and sixty men, on his memorable enterprise. In a former paper I have given some sketch of his voyage round the world. His hardy seamanship, his masterly command of men, his utter contempt for any number of Spanish ships, and his burning hate against the Spaniard for the cruelties and brutalities which daily came under his eye, are most conspicuous. In three years he returned with but one ship out of the five, with eight hundred thousand pounds of booty, and the glory of being the first sea-captain who had circumnavigated the world. His return to London was a great triumph; he became at once the most renowned mariner of his time; and he planted an intense hatred and contempt of the Spaniard, and an assurance of superiority, in the breasts of all the great seamen of his day. Raleigh, Gilbert, Grenville, I must not even mention, but pass port in Holland or Zealand, where the on to the year 1587, when the magnitude and object of the Armada became patent. to all the world. Then Drake, by the Queen's commission, set forth to delay, if possible, the sailing of the fleet for another year; it might be that he would cripple it altogether. The whole expedition is one of the most daring and successful on record. His old contempt for the Spaniards led him, with his thirty ships, in the most reckless manner, into the Spanish ports. One of the ships only was the Queen's; the rest were furnished by the merchants of London, partly as a private venture, and partly for the public good. He dashed into Cadiz, where a fleet was waiting to join the Armada, and destroyed every ship-in number, it is said, not less than one hundred with two large galleons. Thence to the Tagus, where he challenged Santa Cruz, at the head of the main body of the Armada, to come out and fight him, with his thirty ships; which the Spaniard, knowing well what a daredevil he had to deal with, most wisely declined. Thence having humbled the Spaniard in his own ports, to the Azores, Armada might disembark the troops. Others opposed it strongly. Fortunately for us, though Parma and Santa Cruz strenuously urged the proposal, the adverse opinion prevailed. It was resolved to sail up-channel, effect a junction with Parma off the coast of Flanders, and, disembarking the army at the mouth of the Thames, march on London, and finish the war at a blow. This was probably the very worst plan which could possibly have been proposed. The Queen's Council, within a brief space, put the whole kingdom into a most complete and admirable state of defense. The enthusiasm was boundless, and the judgment of those at the head of affairs masterly. Among Lord Burleigh's state papers there is a most important document, in which every ship and every troop raised for the defense of the country is, with most elaborate detail, set forth. But there was a prior question with the Queen's advisers, should the main defense be by land or sea. The question was warmly debated. Raleigh's strenuous reasoning seems mainly to have led to the decision that, as with Athens of old, the chief trust of England | Drake for the command-in-chief. Camshould be in her ships. Still the land rose up in complete defense; England sheathed herself in steel to meet the great crisis of her history; one hundred and thirty thousand men, besides the Londoners, who were a host in themselves, armed for war. The organization was so complete, that, as a Spanish spy writes to the Ambassador in Paris, "a force of twenty thousand men could be concentrated in forty-eight hours upon any part of the coast which might be threatened, under leaders of renown and skill." Twenty-two thousand foot and 2000 horse were stationed at Tilbury to guard the mouth of the river; while 29,000 men and 10,000 Londoners were stationed nearer to the city to protect the capital and the person of the Queen. But the chief interest of the struggle is naval, and to that we will now proceed. It is difficult to discover accurately the extent of Philip's preparations. According to a Spanish account which was disseminated in Europe, and which is probably the most trustworthy, the numbers stood thus: 130 ships, of the aggregate burden of 57,868 tons; 19,295 soldiers; 8450 sailors; 2088 slaves; 2630 pieces of ordnance; and immense military and naval stores. Eighty more ships are said afterwards to have joined. Meanwhile the Prince of Parma had 30,000 picked troops ready to embark in Flanders, and great supplies of flat-bottomed boats, and all the munitions of war. Guise, moreover, promised to march 12,000 men into Normandy, to be transported by the Armada to England. The English force we know accurately. In the Queen's navy there were just thirty-four ships, of the aggregate burden of 12,190 tons, carrying 6225 men. Two only of these ships reached 1000 tons. The largest, the Triumph, commanded by Frobisher, was 1100 tons. The Admiral was in the Ark Royal, of 800 tons; Drake, Vice-Admiral, was in the Revenge, of 500 tons, while the Victory, of 800, carried stout John Hawkins to the fight. One hundred and fifty seven merchant-ships completed the navy. I have gone carefully through the list. Sixteen only of these reached one hundred tons-not one reached two hundred. The men on board the whole fleet numbered 15,772; its tonnage was 31,985 tons. The supreme command was conferred on Lord Charles Howard, a man far more fitted than den says of him: "Of whose fortunate conduct the Queen had great persuasion, whom she knew by his moderate and noble carriage to be skillful in sea matters, wary and provident, valiant and courageous, industrious and active, and of great personal authority and esteem among the seamen of the Navy." It is not a little remarkable that he was a Catholic. It was a noble trust which the Queen reposed, and right nobly was it repaid. Burleigh, cautious as he was bound to be, seems to have had his doubts. He seems to have solicited Drake's opinion of the Admiral, of whom in June, 1588, Drake nobly writes thus: "I do assure your good lordship, and protest it before God, that I find my Lord-Admiral so well af fected for all honorable service in this action, that it doth assure all his followers of good successes and the hope of victory." The fleet was thus distributed. Lord Henry Seymour was stationed with forty ships to keep the coast of Flanders in strict blockade; while Howard, with Drake as Vice-Admiral, closed the mouth of the English Channel with the main body of the fleet. Amidst the hum of this vast preparation the new year's morning dawned. It is said that, a hundred years before, an astronomer of Konigsberg foretold that "1588 would be an admirable year, and the climacterical year of the world." This was about right. Of the spirit of the English people we have the most abundant evidence. The Queen, in a letter to the Lords-Lieutenant of Hampshire, puts the simple question: "Every man's particular state in the highest degree will be touched, in respect of country, liberty, wives, children, lands, lives, and (which was especially to be regarded) the profession of the true and sincere religion of Christ." "Wherefore," in a word, Ŏ Englishmen! "QUIT YOU LIKE MEN, AND FIGHT." And nothing loth was England. Hear this testimony from Stow: "It was a pleasant sight to behold the soldiers as they marched to Tilburie, their cheerful countenances, courageous words and gestures, dancing and leaping wherever they came. In the camp their most felicity was in the hope of fighting the enemy, where ofttimes divers rumors ran of their foe's approach, and that present battle would be given them. Then were they as joyful at such news as if lusty giants were to run a race.” |