Page images
PDF
EPUB

THE

Gentleman's Magazine;

For JANUARY 1756.

a &ccount of the Life of GEORGE VIL LIERS, created Duke of Buckingharu, by King James I.

F the life of this extraordinary perfon no regular account hath ever yet been drawn up. That which Sir H. Walton calls The life and death of George Vil liers, late Duke of Buckingham, being little more than a panegyrie on his conduct. Ld Clarendon's account chiefly refpects his influence on public affairs; and the General Hiftorical Dictionary mentions him only in a note or two on fome paffages in the life of his fon.

GEORGE VILLIERS was the youngeft fon of Sir Geo. Villiers, of Brookfby in the county of Leicefler, by his fecond wife, the daughter of Anthony Beaumont of Coleorton, Efq; a lady of uncommon beauty and difcretion. The family came over with the conqueror from Normandy, where fome branches of it, fays Ld Clarendon, ftill remain with luftre. Sir George's ancestors had been long fettled at Kinalton in Nottinghamshire, whence they removed to Brooksby about the beginning of the 13th century. Sir George refided with his family at his paternal feat, where he educated his youngek fon under his own eye till he was ten years old, and then fent him to a fchool at Billifden in the fame county, where he was taught the principles of mufic, and the first rudiments of literature. When he had continued at Billifden about three years he loft his father, and his mother then took him home to her houfe at Goodby, an eftate of which he became poffeffed as her jointure. Here the prefided over

his education with fingular care and affection. She had starved, that is natural difpolition was rather tire than Radious, and judging it beft to A teach bin those things in which Le

[graphic]

B

Bas mot likely to excel, the matie it her principal care to get him inftru&ted in dancing, mufic, fencing, and riding, and when be was about 18, fent hi into France, that he might at once imlearn the language, which he was not prove himself in these exercifes, and difpofed to acquire by fedentary appli cation. In France he cominued three years, and after his return to England pated yet another year under his mo ther's eye at Goodby

He was then just 22 years of age, and C as his perfon was extremely beautiful, his manner graceful, and his accomplifhments fuch as were moft likely to diftinguish him in the gay world, it was then determined that he fuld come np to London, and make his ad. dreffes to the daughter of Sir Reger Afton, who was then gentleman of the bedchamber and matter of the rolls to King James I.

D

E

What progrefs he made in his addreffes to the lady is not known, but he foon became intimately acquainted one of the gentlemen of his majefty's with Sir John Greham, who was then privy chamber. Grebam, who well knew his majefty's pallion for handfom perfons and fine cloaths, perfwaded the young gentleman not haftily fo marry, but rather to puh his fortune Fable to be rejected, and it was probaat court. This advice was too agreebly given upon better grounds than a mere general knowledge of the king's dentally feen Filliers at Apthorpe upon difpolition, for his majefty having accia progrefs, was immediately captivated with his appearance, and finding that he was known to Greham, gave him fecret directions how he fhould intro

This is afferted on the authority of Sir G Hnry Wotton. Lord Clarendon fays he was the e.deft ion by the fecond bed.

duce

[ocr errors]

Villiers's bafty Rife at Court.

4
duce him, and as it were by degrees
bring him into favour.

Tho' this difpofition of the king
might have been fufficient to make A
Villiers's fortune, yet at this time inany
incidents concurred with it in his fa-
vour. It was known that the king be-
gan to be weary of Somerset, who was
then fufpected to have been at least
privy to the murther of Sir Thomas O-
erbury, and there were many at court
who were fufficiently angry with this B
favourite, only for being what they de-
fired to be, to contribute all in their
power to raise Villiers merely to throw
Somerjet down. Villiers therefore, upon
his appearance at court found every
one his friend. The ruin of Somerset
-was foon compleated by the proof of
his guilt, and a very few days after the C
new favourite had first appeared in
court, he was made cup-bearer to the
king, a place which kept him much in
his prefence, and admitted him to that
converfation and difcourfe with which
James always abounded at his meals.
Villiers having lately been in France was
able to gratify this humour in the
king with great advantage to him!elf,
for occafion being offered to mention
the court of France and tranfactions
there, Villiers enlarged fo pertinently
upon the fubject, that he greatly de-

three kingdoms without a rival, and in the difpofal of thefe he was guided rather by his paffions than his judgment, fo that he exalted all his own family and dependants, which were very numerous, and many of whom had neither merit, nor pretenfions to merit, but their alliance to him. By this conduct he inherited the odium with the power of Somerfet; people of all conditions were offended, and particularly the antient nobility, who faw the demefnes and revenues of the crown fquandered to enrich a private family, which how well foever extracted, had been scarce ever heard of in the nation before.

a

At this time a treaty of marriage was depending between Charles then prince of Wales, and the Infanta of Spain. This was entered into by James, upon prefumption, that fuch an alliance would put an end to the commotions of Europe, in which he was deeply involved, particularly on account of the Palgrave, his fon-in-law, who had been driven out of Germany. This great affair had been tranfacted folely by the earl of Bristol, who was ambafiador exᎠ traordinary to Spain; an honcur which Buckingham could not fee him poffefs without envy. To deprive him of it, or at least to fhare it with him, he formed and executed one of the boldest and most extraordinary projects that were ever conceived. By this project, fuch was his good fortune, he not only E anfwered his immediate purpofe, but fecured an interest in the prince, which rendered his greatnefs permanent, that would elle perhaps have ended with the king's life.

F

hted the king, and recommended himfelf to all thofe who ftood by. From this time riches and honours were heaped upon him almoft without intermiffion. On the next St George's day he was knighted and made gentleman of the bed-chamber with an annual penfion of 1000!. out of the court of wards. On New-year's-day following the king appointed him malter of the horfe, and he was foon after inftalled knight of the garter. Next del he was created baron of Whaddo and Vifcount Villiers. In January he was created Earl of Buckingham, and Tvorn of the privy council; in March he attended the king into Scotland, and was alfo fworn into the council of that G ondom, and on the next New-year'sday he was created Marquis of Buckingham, and made Lord Admiral of England, chief juftice in eyre of all the parks and foreits fouth of Trent, malter of the king's bench office, head iteward of Wifimingier, and conftable of Windor calle.

Such were the high posts and honours he poffeffed, and his influence over the king was fo great, that he difpoted of all other honours and offices in the

He artfully infinuated to the prince the misfortune of having a wife intraded upon him, of whom he knew nothing but by the report of others, who were probably interefted to deceive him. He then obferved how gallant and brave a thing it would be for his highness to make a journey into Spain, and judge for himtelt; that it he did not hike the match, means might be found to break it off; and if he did, he might bring back his mitreis with him, as his prefence would put an end to all the formalities that would otherwife retard it: That it would alfo be fuch an obligation on the indy, as the could never fufficiently value or requite: and that as to the great affair of itate, the Brettoration of the Palatinate, it was highly probable, that the king of Sprin would, in return for the honour done him by the prince's perfonal interpo

nition,

Journey to Spain, bow managed.

ftion, concede to what he should require, or at least, that the Infanta might be engaged to interpofe with her influence, which in fuch a fituation could fcarce fail of fuccefs.

The prince, who was naturally fond A ef adventures, heard this difcourfe with inexpreffible delight, and was tranfported with the thoughts of putting the project in execution. One difficulty, However, immediately prefented itself, which they almoft defpaired to obviate, that of obtaining the king's confent, who was very quick in difcerning obfacles and raifing objections, and very B Low in removing them.

5

would in a moment determine the reftitution of the Palatinate to his brother and fifter.

By thefe difcourfes, urged with all poffible artifice and addrefs, the king was prevailed upon to promife, with lefs hesitation than was natural to him, that the prince fhould make the journey he fo much defired. As soon as the king had confented to the journey in general terms, they told him, that the fuccefs of the enterprize depended wholly upon expedition: that if it were to be deferred till fuch a fleet and equipage fhould be got ready as would be fit for the prince of Wales, fo much time would be fpent as would disappoint the principal defign of their journey; befides, that if they fhould fend for a país to France, the ceremonies of afking and granting it, and thofe that would neceffarily attend a public paffage through that kingdom, would be other caufes of delay, neither could fuch a pafs be reafonably depended upon in point of fecurity, as it was impotfibe to guess what advantage might be taken of their journey in favour of some mystery or intrigue of state; and therefore, that they had contrived an expedient by which all inconvenience and hazard would be avoided, and the unD dertaking executed before it could be fufpected. Their expedient was to undertake the journey with only two ieivants, who fhould know nothing of it till the moment they were to depart; and thus they faid they might pass through France, before they were milled at Whiteball. To this propofal, wild as it was, the king alfo gave a general content; and the nomination of pet fons to attend them, and the time of their departure was deferred to the next day.

This however was attempted under the direction of the marquis, who managed the affair with the moft steady refolution and refined fubtilty. The prince, as had been agreed, having waited for one of thofe feafons in which the king was to be approached more fuccefsfully than in others, began by C telling him, that he had a propofal to make, in which his happiness was moft nearly concerned, and as the doing or not doing what he defired depended folely upon his majefty's will, he intreated his promife, that he would not communicate the thing to be propofed till he had taken his own refolution upon it. This promife was granted, probably as most fuch promifes are, merely from an impatient curiofity to know what would be revealed upon no ether condition, and the prince then falling upon his knees urged his fuit with the moit vehement importunity. The king, after recovering from the firit furprize, expoftulated the affair with the prince with much lefs paflion E than was expected, and then look'd upon the marquis as inclined to hear what he would fay. The marquis, who had tood by all the while without fpeaking 2 word, now faid nothing to the point, whether in prudence the journey was advicable or not, but florifhed on the inhnite obligation his majetty would conter upon the prince by yielding to his request, the refufal of which would certainly make a deep impreflion upon his ipints and peace of mind, as the greatest affliction that could befal him in the world. The prince perceiving the king was moved by what the maquis had faid, imediately enlarged on the two points which he knew were of the utmost importance in the king's judment; he said, he knew that hus marriage mult inunediately follow his arrival in Spain, and that his preience

But the king, who had been furprized by artifice, and overborn by importunity, having fint made a promife from which he might well conclude the impractability of fulfilling it, would Fabiolve him, and afterwards confented to an expedient, againft which, on the fudden, he could not object, without impeaching the prudence of his fit conceffion, was no fooner retired to his clofet, and began to reflect on what had paffed, than innumerable difficul ties and dangers crowded his imagination; and his troubie, anxiety, and dutrefs, increased almoft to dutraction He ipent the night without fleep; and on the morrow, when the prince and the marquis came to fettle the particu

G

culars

[ocr errors]

Prefent State of Affairs in America.

cators of their departure, he back into Tears, and a form as he was able to freak, told them that he was undone,

as if they perfits in their refolution They would break his heart. He told sm that the danger to the prince's perlos, his only for, in whom his life was bound up, was great, as well from the nature of the journey, as fronn parHaukar malice, jealousy, or machinaTons of hate; that he should of his credit with foreign ftates, and the af Tetions of his people at home; that the marquis would also be inevitably rained by the effect of his council, as he was already exersantly unpopular, and And any enemies at court, who might make hach afe of this misconduct, that it might not be in his power to protect Aim. This expofulation was interrupted by another agony of grief, and He could only conjure them in imperfect words, and with much diforder and any tears, to relinquith their purpole. {To be continued.) 54

Account of American affairs, continued
from Vol. xxv. P. 580. 4.
O the account in our Supplement,

to misper among themselves, after which font of them disappeased. Thir gave them great antafinefs; however, they stay'd all night, and in the mooning two of the inlaws privately advifed Athem to avoid going a particular foad, in which they faid there was danger. This advice brought them into new perplexity, for they doubted whether it was not given merely to fecure the falling into an ambuscade. After confuking with each other, this was the prevailing opinion, and they deterBmised to take the very read they had been commfelled to avoid; but they had not advanced far, before they found that they had made a falfe judg avent, for they were faartly attacked on both fides by a fire from the bushes, and of the whole number only twenty

D

dances of the barbarity of the Indians, and the distress and deftruction of our Back Attlers. The plantation at Paerfon's Creek is intirely ruined, the inhaBitents about Stoddarts Fort have all left their plantations, and above 8o famifies have fed to the fort for shelter; the E nemy has alfo ravaged all the country about Potsmark with fo ftrong a party, that they repulled a confiderable force feat against them from Fort Cumberland; theothcer who commanded this party, writes that the fmoke of the ruined Houles is fo great as to hide the adja- p

mountains, and obfcure the day. They cut off all but the young women, hom they carry away to their towns. Zvows being brought to Lancafter that hey had icalped many perions near faeriels Mill, on the Sifquêkanab, abont go of the Routeft inhabitants fet out the next day to bury the dead; when they G reverbed the spot, they found 14 bodies horribly mangled, and met a fmall party of fries "v Indians, which was ying to the sited parts of the province for protection. The whole Company then con fuded to go on as far et Shamokin, to know whether the InHans allembled there were friends or enraies. Who they came to ShamoAin, they were received with a cold ciVilly, and perceived the Indians often

H

lares escaped alive. Upon receiving this account, foo men fet cut from the neighbouring parts, to revenge the death of their friends; but they were in want of ammunition. The Indians at Shamkin were all painted black, which denotes anger.

It appears by the depofition of capt. Jacob Morgan, of col. Weifer's regi. nent, that having fet out with two of the colonel's fons, to fee what damage the Indians had done at Tolleo, and get together a number of perfons to allisk thofe that were left alive, they found a girl about five years old kalped, but yet alive, and a confiderable number of people at a houfe, of which they did not know the owner's name. That being alarmed with a report that the Indians had befet another houfe belonging to one Dellinger, not far distant, they fet out to relieve it; that when they arrived, they furrounded the house, and found much damage done, but no perfon in it or about it, except in the garden a child about eight years old, fcalped and dead, which they buried. That they proceeded to the plantation of one Sneider, and in a corn field found a woman and a young child both scalped and dead, and in the house they found another child about ten years old, fcalped and dead : That having buried thefe bodies, they went forward to one Brown's, in whofe houfe they found a man fcalped and dead: That the company were now 130 ftrong, and continuing their rout, found all the plantations deferted, and the way itrowed with perfons who had been mangled and scalped by the In.fians, the hories and cattle in the corn fields, and every thing in the utmolt diforder.

The

New Fortsie Asrica-Efects of the late Earthy, in Barbary.7

The Moravian femalement of Guaden Hutten, on Matony Creek, de ullo cut off, anly twe perfons baving efcaped alive.

Upon receipt of this intelligence, a neffage was fent to col. Anderson at the A Jerfeys, requesting him to lend a party of men to stop the progress of the enesay. The colonel immediately came over himself with a ftrong company, and went in purfait of the enemy at the fame time a confiderable number of the inhabitants of Northampton got sender arms, and went in pusfuit of the indians.

2

istow certain that no regular operations will be undertaken til førings but when it was determined that the army at Ofwego fhould go into winter quarters, they began a new fort upon a Ailion the eat fide of the river, about 470 yards from the old one, it is $50 feet in circumference, and will command the harbour, it is built of doge from 20 to go inches thick the wall is feet high, and is encompatied by a ditch 14 feet broad, and ten deep, it is to contain barracks for goc men, and to mount guns. On the other dide of the river, weft from the old fort, another.new fort is erecting this és 40 feet fquare, the rampart is of arth and fone, zo feet thick and 2 feet high, befides the parapet; this is zho encompared with 2 ditch 14 feet road and is feet deep, and is to conin barracks for 200 men This fort will be fortified with the greatest care, as there is a good landing, and an ealy afcent not far off. An hofpital of gramed work, 50 feet by 30, is already Duilt, which may ferve as a barrack for zo men, and another barrack is preparing of 150 feet by 24. Frors thefe greparations, it feems sealonable to Conclude that the general intends to winter with his army at Ofwego, that they may more expeditiously go into action in the spring.

[To be continued

particular account of the effects of the Vate earthquakes in Africa.

that part of Barbary, on the op. polite.coat to Gibraltar, they have dufered as much, if not more than in Zoring, and they write from Tetzen,

hat the earthquake began at the fame hear it did there, and continued feven right minutes, during which time frey had three violent (hocks, and ex. Ted every moment the city would #all to the ground, but they dit ne arther damage than the opening of Emeral wil's; and it was oblerved, that

B

[blocks in formation]

At Tangier it began at the fame hour, fhaking the ground, walls, houfes, and moiques, in a very terrible manner, and a great pile of antient building near the gate of the town, after two or three movement, tumbled dn, and kilké feveral people; the water flow Over the town walls (a thing never seen before) leaving behind it, at its return, a va quantity of nith and fand, aut in like manner itaontinued to rise and fall about of times in the pace of 8 hours.

At Sallee it did wat damage, nambers of houfes having tumbled Howes and the deaflowed into the heart of the city, and drowned several of the inbabitants, leaving at as return a great quantity of land and fish in the freet, Ces it did at Tangier, there were feve ral boats full of people filking at the fame time, who were all fallowed up by the lea, and never feen afterwards and allo a member of people and ca anels juft fetting out for Marasco, perithed in the fame manner.

At Eex a vast quantity of people were killed, and the greatet part of that large city destroyed; and at fome diance from it a prodigious large mountain pened in the middle, out of which ifted a river as red as blood.

2

At Moracce a vat number of houfes were deftroyed, and a great many pea ple buried in the ruins. Without this E city there was a place which contained about four hundred buts, or lifte thops, the people of which were called the Children if Bejambs, and 'tis fail they amounted at least to 10,000 fouls, who with a large number of horses, of mels, and other cattle, were entirely Swallowed up by the earth, which immediately after clofed, and not a finge foul escaped.

Thefe were the first advices we batt From Barbary, which you may depen upon to be genuine, having had them from undoubted authority, but they write from Tetuan of the 24th instant, G that there had arrived that day an exprefs from Fez, which brought an ac count of another earthquake, which began the 8th at aight, and continued till the aeth in the morning, infinitely more violent and terrible than the for

er; innumerable houfes fell to the ground, and members of people were croyed in the ruins.

At Mequinez it was much spore readful, carcely leavinga tingle houte standing, and that part of the city

[ocr errors]
« PreviousContinue »