Account of an antique Infcription. half a year ago grew much worfe, his belly, legs, and thighs fwelled to an enormous fize; he was with difficulty removed from his bed to his chair, and was given over as a perfon in an incurable dropfy. This man, encouraged, by the foregoing cafe, began to try the Tame method of cure; in 4 days his urine increased, in a fortnight his body and limbs were wonderfully decreased, and in lefs than three weeks he was feen walking about the town, tho' before he could not move a joint. A 3d, A woman 70 ye: rs of age, of a B thin habit, who fold cakes about the town, became dropfical, and her belly fo diftended that he was confined to her bed. She anointed with the fame fuccefs, refumed her business, and was as the faid as lank as a maiden, and as well as ever fhe had been in her life. (To be continued.) Mr URBAN, Wigton, July 16,1736. Texact copy of the infeription on HE inclofed fee the plate) is an C a votive altar, and a draught of the stone, which was lately dug up near Old Carlife, as it is called by the neigh- D bouring inhabitants. Antoninus fixes the Caftra Exploratorum fome where near this place: indeed the fituation of thele antient ruins renders the name very proper; for the flation has been on a hill, which commands a free profpect of the country, and there- E fore extremely convenient for fpying an enemy. This tone was found a few yards distant from the place where the two fragments of the altars were dug up, whole infcriptions were copied by the late Mr Smith, in your Magazine. (See Altar Gen. Index to the first 20 volumes. Yours, &c. Mr URBAN, T. TOMLINSON. I Think it is an obfervation of dean 431 perhaps not always of the most innocent kind. Indeed it must be acknowledged that much more regard is paid to the Lord's day by the populace in the country, than by the mob in town:: and it is as customary for the former to go to church, as it is for the latter to ipend their time at an alehouse. Great pains has been taken by the legislature to preserve decency in the ftreets of London on Sundays by prohibiting, by feveral good laws, the exercifing trades offenfive to decency; which at least has this good effect as it keeps thofe fhops fhut, and fhews the appearance of fome regard to the fabbath: But, ftep into an alehouse during divine fervice, and there it is full change; and the reafon is plain; confider what numbers of journeymen, labourers, &c. have no more lodging than what is fufficient to contain their beds; when they are up, therefore, what are they to do? where are they to go? whole time hangs fo heavy on their Their first visit is to the friendly publican, the afylum of these wanderers, hands on Sundays. Here they take their pint of purl, and as they have nothing to do and no where to go, and the landJoid is too charitable to turn them into the street, they fuddle away the day with riot and prophanenefs; which generally ends in taking a hair of the fame dog, as they call it, the next day, and prepares them for keeping St. Monday in the fame place; for, on a moderate calculation, above two thoubourers, abfent themfelves from their fand artificers, journeymen, and lawork on Mondays, to the injury of their mafters, the ruin of their own conftitutions, and the deftruction of their families. FAnd as the prefervation of the com G Swift's, that if there were not a clergyman in every parish, the number of conftables must be encreased; from whence one would naturally conclude, that he derived fome part of the good order among the common people from the influence of religion. But, I beieve, what he particularly meant by his obfervation was to fhew that if the eifure of Sunday was not apply'd by H the common people to devotion, it would certainly be totally dedicated by them to diverfions, and to thole (GENT, MAG. Sept. 1756.) mon people for many weighty reafons will always be one of the principal objects of my purfuit, fo will it be the conftant fubject of my thoughts: and I am clearly of opinion that if the publicans of this town would thut up their houtes every Sunday during divine fervice, and turn thefe illiterate perfons above-mentioned out of doors, it might perhaps be the means of driving fome of them into the churches, where, when they beheld numbers of people of betthan they themselves, met together to ter fente and in better ftations of life offer up their prailes and thanksgivings their life, their health, and every other to that being from whom they receive LI bleifing 432 Objections to the Sunday Claufe in the Militia Bill. If the publicans fhould be alarmed at this propofal, one moment's con- B fideration will be fufficient to fhew them, that they will be ono dofers by the bargain for this reftraint will increafe their customers the moment divine fervice is over, and would prepare the minds of those who came into their house rather for innocent chearfulness, than abandoned riot. When has the Lord's day been legally prophaned, ever fince the book of fports? Did not the promoters of that infamous book tou apparently contribute thereby to the calamities of their country, and to their own ruin? Why then G Bould the beft reign in the annals of Britain be now fullied, by feeming to adopt any part of thofe measures, which were formerly attended with fuch fatal confequences? Indeed the authority, which established the book of fports, was properly anticonftitutional; and H therefore, have not the friends of religion fo much the more reafon to be afaimed at the claufe in the militia bill, 29 it seems to portend much greater evil to our religion and country, for its being a conftitutional act Is this claufe vindicated, by recur ring to the opinion and practice of fome foreign proteftants? It should alfo be remembered, that if fuch proteflants return to fecular affairs on the Sunday evening, they have previonfly laid afide their fecular affairs at the fame hour on the Saturday evening perigonome Is it pleaded, that the claufe in quef tion is friendly to trade and industry, and that we cannot take the hufbandman, or manufacturer, from his work on the other days of the week, without deftroying both agriculture and trade? I would beg leave to reply, that among 60, or 70,000 men, 'tis highly probable there would be a confiderable number, who never had been, or ever would be, important either to agriculture or trade. Even fuppofing all the 60, or 70,000 men to be useful in each profeffion, that would make a very inconfiderable part of the whole number of husbandmen and manufacturers in the nation. And the loft labour of fo inconfiderable a part must be fixed at a diminutive efti mation, when it is computed, that two hours in an evening, for 35 days, or at moft 35 quarters of days, is all the time that is required from work, as a compenfation for the facred time mentioned in the exceptionable claufe. A little diligence might easily prevent any lofs to trade, and even agriculture too, except in harvest time. There are few, if any, manufacturers, that could not eafily fpare a quarter of 35 working days in the year, as a much greater proportion of their time for labour is generally devoted to much worfe purpofes than learning the ufe of arms. What if all the week days, that are in every part of the kingdom called Holi days, except Chrifimas-day, and GoodFriday, were devoted to this exercife? Neither trade, nor agriculture, nor religion, would fuftain any lots, by thus employing ten days at Chrifimas, three at Eafter, three at Wbitfuntide, and three more at every parib wake, feaft, or rewel, though in many places the whole week is confumed in idlenefs and intemperance. This would alfo obviate the difficulty, if any fuch remains, of paying men for their time, as their demands could not reafonably be more for holidays, than for Sundays. If every county allowed their men fix-pence a day, the expence would be compara tively mall. And who can think it a justifiable frugality, to rob God of the honour Hiftory of the Swedish Conftitation.. honour of his day, their country of divine protection, and their fouls and the fouls of their pofterity after them, of all ferious religion? ¥¥ It is farther pleaded, that 'tis better A on a Sunday to learn the ufe of arms to defend our country, than spend the facred time in taverns and alehouses? But who does not see, that the too common prophanation of the Lord's day in taverns and alehouses, is not only contrary to divine and human laws, but B very much owing to the want of duly executing the wholefome law of our Country? Therefore, to establish this exceptionable claufe, is, in effect, to repeal a law, which we acknowledge to be good in itself, and agreeable to the divine law, only because we won't be at the trouble to put it in execution, at C the fame time that we make use of the frequent violation of it, as a reafon for its being repealed. For, in fact, if a few men meet together, on a Sunday, to learn the use of arms, 'tis more than probable they will have a multitude of idle fpectators, and the rather for its being Sunday, and that both one fort D and the other will retire from the field to taverns and alehouses, and that in doing fo they will think themselves fufficiently juftified by the profeffed defign and authority which called fome of them together. Undoubtedly the legislature is defirous to have men of virtue and piety com- E pofe a militia. But can any thing be contrived, that will have a more natural tendency to prevent fuch perfons from engaging themselves, than this Sunday claufe Muft we painfully fuppofe, that the temptations of high life have produced in great men too little zeal for the fanctification of the Lord's day? Even in that cafe, melancholy as it is, fhould not mere human policy, abitracted from virtue and religion, be a fufficient motive to legiflators to continue in full force thofe laws, which times of reformation have always thought neceffary, G for the honour of God, and for the piety of prefent and future generations? In the prefent conjuncture, could any thing wear a more promifing aípect, than to fee a national faft oblerved with fuch univerfal decency and teriousness ? But whatever our prayers have been, or continue to be, in order to avert national calamities or fecure the continuance of national bleflings, how can we reasonably hope that the Lord will Wear our prayers, if we regard iniquity H 433 in our national conftitutions, yea eftablifh iniquity by a law? s Since thefe remarks were thrown together, I am favoured with a letter from a dignified clergyman, in which the good old gentleman fays, " if we are not preferved from the Sunday "clause in the militia bill, I fhall look i upon it as an unhappy omen. It will, in my judgment, not only be "excluding the almighty from our po "liticks, but be bidding defiance to "him, by a folemn repeal of one of his. "laws, and figning and fealing to the "downfall of our country. What a "fcene of contuflon followed upon the publication of the book of ports! "what irretrievable mifchief was done "by it to the morals and religious fen"timents of the people! What was "it, but breaking down the barrier, "which God has fet up to put a stop "to univerfal corruption, and univer"fal forgetfulness of him? which would "foon be the cafe, if this portion of "our time was to be defecrated:" Yours, Gr. L.T. K. An Account of the prefent Dispute between the Tis neceffary to begin this account with ✰ fhort hiftory of the prefent form of government in Sweden; for without fome knowledge of this the difpute cannot be understood. The government of Stueden was an abfolute monarchy till the death of Charits XII, who having exhaufted the kingdom not only of money but of men, by his extravagant and ridiculous paffion for fighting, gave the Savedet fuch a proof of the miferies to which they were fubjected by that form of government, that they determined to change it; and the death of Charles afforded them a favourable ope portunity for that purpofe. Charles had by will appointed the Duke of Holftein, who was his nearest male relation, to fucceed him, but he left a fifter, who was married to the landgrave of Heffe; and the laws of Saveden did not exclude the female branches of the royal family from the throne. This furnished the states with a pretence to cefs against the duke; but the real reason was, put the king's will afide, and fet up the prin that upon a fovereign of their own making they could impofe what conditions they pleafed, but he who fhould fucceed by the will of his predeceffor, would exact the fame unli mitted obedience as was paid to him under whom he claimed. With this view the Princefs Urica Eleanora was declared queen, and a form of government having been prepared was prefented to her, and to the landgrave her husband, as the condition of their dignity, which they accepted, and the landgrave was foon after declared king. By this form of government the legifiative power 434 Hiftorical Account of the Difputes in Sweden. power was placed in the ftates, and the executive power in the king and fenate, which are confidered as one body. The states confift of reprefentatives of four orders: The nobility, clergy, citizens, and' pealants. The nobility is reprefented by the A eldeft fon of the eldest branch of each family. The clergy by the Archbiship of Upsal, the bifhops, one of the members of each chapter, and one rector in each diocese, who are elected' by a majority of their brethren; the citizens by a majority of freemen of every city; some cities fending two; fome one and there are. fome cities of which two have but one common. reprefentative. The peasants are represented by one for each county, chofen by a majority, of their fellows from the holders of crown lands, for other tenants and farmers are confi dered only as vaffals of the nobility. The fenate confifts of twelve perfons, who hold the place for life, and when a vacancy' happens the ftates felect three from the candi dates, of whom the king chufes one. The members of this auguft body partake of the royal dignity, but are accountable for their conduct to the ftates: The acts of the fenate, are determined by a majority of votes, the king having a double vote and no more. The senate has alfo a cafting vote, when the states are equally divided on any question. Since this regulation the king at his acceffion takes a folemn oath that he will preferve inviolate this form of government, and regulate his conduct by it. An oath of the like import is alfo taken by every member of the fenate and the fates. It is ftipulated in this compact between the ' king and people, that he fhall give the fanction of his royal authority, by figning his name to the refolutions of the fenate whether he approves them or not, tho he is at liberty' to make his objections in debate, and enter his proteft if they are over-ruled. It is provided alfo that if the king is prevented by fick-" nefs, abfence, or private affairs, from figning the refolution of the fenate, it shall be executed though the royal fignature be wanting.. It has happened that when the fenate has been in good humour, they have relaxed a lit- f tle the rigour of their power, and fuffered the king to nominate fuch perfons as he pleafed to civil and military preferments, tho he has a right to prefer thofe only whom the fenare propofe. His prefent majesty, encouraged by the in dulgence of the fenate to his predeceffor, has preferred feveral perfons agreeable to himself; but they have been fo little approved by the fenate, that they have refumed the exercife of their power in its utmost extent, and have propofed to Him other perfons of their own chuling, for the offices which he hoped to have filled by his own nomination; but they have always affigned fome reafon for the difference of their choice. This reafon, however, has Been rather fuch as they thought might justify their choice after it was made, than that which really prompted them to make it, and therefore the reafon given at one time has not always been perfectly confiftent with the reason B D given at another. The king, on the other hand, has refufed to fign an appointment in confequence of their nomination. This was the ftate of affairs when the dyet or general affembly of the states was convened in 1755, before whom the fenate laid an information against the king, in which they complain, that the king by his conduct appear ed to fuppofe the refolutions of his fenate to be of no effect without his affent, a principles which, if allowed, would invest him with defpotic arbitrary power. And they quote am article in the king's folemn engagement, in which he declares, that in the difpofition of places, he will acquiefoe in the judgment of the fenate declared by a majority of voices. The king alfo gave in a reprefentation a gainst the fenate, in which he complains that harder conditions were prefcribed to him than had been prescribed to his predeceffors; that the fenate, in mere oppofition to his choice, fometimes appointed another upon pretence of a prior claim, which they said should not be fet afide in favour of particular fervice, and fometimes upon pretence of particular fervice, which they then-faid should not be set afide in favour of a prior claim; declares that he has nominated perfons of merit, and that he did not leave the nomination to others, becaufe he was defirous to put a flop to the dangerous cuftom of buying and felling places of the greatest truft; that felling places is contrary to law, and that if he should fign an appointment for a perfon who has thus purchafed a place, he should violate the oath which he took at his acceffion to oppose every breach of the law to the utmost. He laments ..that because he will not thus give up his prerogative, and violate his oath by concurring in the violation of the laws, foveral places of great importance are vacant, the fenate obftinately perfifting in their oppofition; and finallyappeals to the states. The fenate replied, by retorting the charge of venality, and infifting that no free people were ever yet governed by the confcience of a ruler, but by known laws; that it was în Sweden a known law, that the king was ob liged by his compact, to concur with the majority of the fenate, fo far as to authenticate i the act of fuch majority by figning his name, tho' he might enter his proteft against it. The king replied again, that he never intended to oppofe the determination of the fenate, or prevent, or delay the execution of their refolutions; nor would his refufing to Gign do either, fince by an exprefs article in To this the fenate answered, that the king did obstrust the execution of their refolves by safuimag Remarkable Letter of Algernon Sidney.. sefufing to fign them, for tho' it is faid their refolves fhall be executed, tho' not figned by him, yet it is immediately added, if he is prevented by ficknefs, abfence, or private affairs, neither of which is now pretended, and the refolutions of the fenate therefore cannot be executed, in confequence of which the im portant places mention'd by his majefty continue vacant to, the great damage of the state. In confequence of these various reprefenta tions, on the part of the king and the fenate, the affair was examin'd by the grand commit A 435 Court of France; but he was afterwards put to Death for writing bis celebrated Treatife on Government, in which he exploded the Notion of Hereditary and Divine Right. Yours, c. A. B A Letter from Algernon Sidney, Esqa in Anftuer to one, perfuading his Returns to England quickly after the Restoration. SIR, ree of the states, whofe report is to the follow-Am forry I cannot in all things ing effect: That his majefty's declaration, that he cannot confirm with his fign manual what his B own confcience rejects, and what he thinks contrary to the fundamental laws, is a decla ration that she cannot govern by the laws of the land as he has fworn to do, thofe laws requiring him to fign refolutions of the fenate, which he does not approve, tho' they permit him to enter his proteft and appeal to the ftates, as appears by the 15th article of the C form of government, "Whenever a debate arifes in the fenate, his majefty is to acquiefce in the decifion of the majority." And by the 17th fection of his majesty's coronation oath, "I folemnly fwear to govern, with "the advice of the fenate, and according to " law." That the non appointment of perfons to vaeant places, is caufed by his majesty's refufal D to ign the fenate's decifion, they having no power to fill fuch places without the fign manual, as it is not witheld, nor pretended to be, witheld on account of fickness, absence, or private affairs, That if the perfon named by the king is not agreeable to the fenate, he ought to name. another that is, or accept of the perfon named E by them.nd That the fenate, not the king, is to judge of the candidates capacity and claim, and that the contrary would be an infringment of the Jiberty of the fubject, and render them liable to oppreffion without redrefs; for the king is accountable to nobody, but the fenate is accountable to the states. So that if a perfon recommended by the king is excluded by the ftates he has a remedy; but if the king had a power to exclude a perfon recommended by the fenate, he would have no remedy. F This report of the committee, the fates confirmed by a refolution, which concludes with an earnest exhortation to his majesty to restore peace to the kingdom, and honour to the throne, by executing thofe laws which alone G can make him great by keeping his people free. conform myself to the advice of my friends. If theirs had any joint concernment with mine, I would willingly fubmit my intereft to theirs: But when I alone am interested, and they only ad vife me to come over as foon as the act of indemnity is paff, because they think it is beft for me, I cannot wholly lay I confefs, we are naturally inclined to afide my own judgment and choice. delight in our own country, and I have a particular love to mine; I hope I have given fome teftimony of it. I think that being exiled from it is a great evil, and would redeems nryself from it with the lofs of a great deal of my blood. But when that country Paradife, is now like to be made aftage of mine, which used to be efteemed a of injury, the liberty which we hoped. to effablish, oppreffed; all manner of profanenefs, loofenefs, luxury, and lewdnefs, fet up in its height, instead of piety, virtue, fobriety, and modefty, which we hoped God, by our hands, would have introduced; the best of our nation made a prey to the worst the parliament, court, and army corrupted; the people enflayed; all things vendible, and no man, fafe but by fuch evil and infamous means as flattery and bribery, what joy can I tion? Is it a pleasure to fee all that I have in my own country in this condilove in the world fold and deftroyed?. Shall I renounce all my old principles, learn the vile court arts, and make my peace by bribing tome of them? Shall their corruption and vice be my fatety? Ah! no better is a life among strangers, than in my own country upon fuch conditions. Whilft I live, I will endeavour to preferve my liberty; or, at leaft, not confent to the deftroying of it. I hope I fhall die in the fame principles in which I have lived, and. will live no longer than they can pre-. of many follies; but, as I think, of no ferve me. I have in my life been guilty meannels. I will not blot and defile that which is paft by endeavouring to provide for the future. I have ever ; had |