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tain them through their union and which harboring no desires and conflicting interests will never disturb that happy tranquillity.

I shall not hide from you before closing that I am convinced that in order that the broad plan I have in mind may be admitted in all its breadth in London and prove a success in its execution, there should be in power a Cabinet in which all the parties, the leading talent of England, may be brought together; and that with the help of such great lights and with the support of the confidence of the nation, it may be in condition to display its immense facilities and steadfastly keep on the way which it had proposed for itself. You will, therefore, aim mainly to bring about such a change that is so necessary in the English Government.23

There is set out here the replacement of France as the leader in "the cause of liberty and prosperity of the peoples"; the various forms of European government "must rest everywhere on the sacred rights of mankind," though (certainly as to France) government must be under "a monarchical constitution"; the principles to be applied to France will "singularly contribute in setting upon substantial and lasting foundations the future tranquillity of Europe"; international law is to be "reestablished on its true principles "; a treaty shall be drawn which shall "become the foundation for the reciprocal relations of European states "; a treaty "which would make an end of general war" should "lay down clear and precise principles for the provisions of international law"; upon these principles, which might bring about a general pacification a league might be given birth “which after being sanctioned by the greatest number of the States of Europe would easily become the unchangeable rule of the cabinets"; the "fear of forfeiting the support of Russia, and the subsidies of England" were to be an operative sanction towards the establishment of this scheme; thus "the tranquillity of Europe can only be maintained through a league to be formed under the auspices of Russia and England. That league will overawe all would-be disturbers."

These were the fundamental conceptions which, for the next quarter of a century, almost, were to dominate Russia in her international relations.

Pitt's reply to Alexander

To this communication Pitt replied through his Minister for Foreign Affairs, Lord Mulgrave, on January 19, 1805, as follows:

The result of the Communications which have been made by Prince Czartoriski to His Majesty's Ambassador at St. Petersburgh, and of the confidential explanations which have been received from Your Excellency, has been laid before The King; and His Majesty has seen with inexpressible satisfaction, the wise, dignified, and generous policy, which the Emperor of Russia is dis

23 Memoires du Prince Adam Czartoryski, vol. II, pp. 28-44.

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posed to adopt, under the present calamitous situation of Europe. His Majesty is also happy to perceive, that the views and sentiments of the Emperor respecting the means of effecting the deliverance of Europe, and providing for its future tranquillity and safety, correspond so entirely with his own. He is, therefore, desirous of entering into the most explicit and unreserved explanations on every point connected with this great object, and of forming the closest union of Councils, and concert of Measures, with His Imperial Majesty, in order, by their joint influence and exertions, to insure the co-operation and assistance of other Powers of the Continent, on a scale adequate to the magnitude and importance of an undertaking, on the success of which the future safety of Europe must depend.

For this purpose, the first step must be to fix, as precisely as possible, the distinct objects to which such a Concert is to be directed.

These, according to the explanation given of the sentiments of the Emperor, in which His Majesty entirely concurs, appear to be 3:

1st. To rescue from the Dominion of France those Countries which it has subjugated since the beginning of the Revolution, and to reduce France within its former limits, as they stood before that time.

2dly. To make such an arrangement with respect to the Territories recovered from France, as may provide for their security and happiness, and may at the same time constitute a more effectual Barrier in future against encroachments on the part of France.

3rdly. To form, at the restoration of Peace, a general agreement and guarantee, for the mutual protection and security of different Powers, and for re-establishing a general system of Public Law in Europe. The first and second objects are stated generally, and in their broadest extent; but neither of them can be properly considered in detail, without reference to the nature and extent of the means, by which they may be accomplished. The first is certainly that, to which, without any modification or exception, His Majesty's wishes, as well as those of the Emperor, would be preferably directed, and nothing short of it can completely satisfy the views which both Sovereigns form for the deliverance and security of Europe. Should it be possible to unite in a Concert with Great Britain and Russia the 2 other great Military Powers of the Continent, there seems little doubt that such an union of force would enable them to accomplish all that is proposed:—but if (as there is too much reason to imagine may be the case) it should be found impossible to engage Prussia in the Confederacy, it may be doubted whether such operations could be carried on in all the Quarters of Europe, as would be necessary for the success of the whole of this Project.

The second point, of itself, involves in it many important considerations. The views and sentiments by which His Majesty and the Emperor of Russia are equally animated, in endeavouring to establish this Concert, are pure and disinterested.

Their first view, therefore, with respect to any of the Countries which may be recovered from France, must be to restore, as far as possible, their ancient rights, and provide for the internal happiness of their inhabitants; but in looking at this object, they must not lose sight of the general security of Europe, on which even that separate object must principally depend.

Pursuant to this principle, there can be no question that, whenever any of these Countries are capable of being restored to their former Independence, and of being placed in a situation in which they can protect it, such an arrangement must be most congenial to the policy and the feelings on which this system is founded; but there will be found to be other Countries among those now under the Dominion of France, to which these considerations cannot

apply, where either the ancient relations of the Country are so completely destroyed that they cannot be restored, or where independence would be merely nominal, and alike inconsistent with security, for the Country itself, or for Europe; happily the larger number is of the first description.

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There appears, therefore, to be no possible objection, on the strictest principles of justice and public morality, to making such a disposition, with respect to any of these Territories, as may be most conducive to the general interests; and there is evidently no other mode of accomplishing the great and beneficent object, of re-establishing (after so much misery and bloodshed) the safety and repose of Europe on a solid and permanent basis. It is fortunate, too, that such a Plan of arrangement as is in itself essential to the end proposed, is also likely to contribute, in the greatest degree, to secure the means by which that great end can best be promoted.

Supposing the efforts of the Allies to have been completely successful, and the 2 objects already discussed to have been fully obtained, His Majesty would nevertheless consider this salutary work as still imperfect, if the restoration of Peace were not accompanied by the most effectual measures for giving solidity and permanence to the system which shall thus have been established. Much will undoubtedly be effected for the future repose of Europe by these Territorial arrangements, which will furnish a more effectual Barrier than has before existed against the ambition of France. But in order to render this security as complete as possible, it seems necessary, at the period of a General Pacification, to form a Treaty to which all the principal Powers of Europe should be Parties, by which their respective rights and possessions, as they shall then have been established, shall be fixed and recognized; and they should all bind themselves mutually to protect and support each other, against any attempt to disturb or infringe them. It should re-establish a general and comprehensive system of Public Law in Europe, and provide, as far as possible, for repressing future attempts to disturb the general tranquillity; and above all, for restraining any projects of aggrandizement and ambition, similar to those which have produced all the calamities inflicted on Europe, since the disastrous era of the French Revolution.24

England and Russia make a treaty of alliance

On April 11, 1805, England and Russia entered into a treaty of alliance, of which Articles 1 and 2, separate Article 6, and paragraph 4 of Article “first, separate and secret " read in translation as follows:


Since the trying times experienced by Europe called for prompt remedy, their Majesties the Emperor of all the Russias and the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, have agreed to seek means of bringing them to an end without awaiting the event of further encroachments from the French Government. They have, therefore, agreed to use the most speedy and effective means towards forming a general league of the States of Europe and induce them to accede to this concert, and gathering, for the purpose of achieving this object, a force which, apart from that which His Britannic Majesty may furnish, may rise to 500,000 active men, and use it with energy to bring the French

24 British and Foreign State Papers, vol. II, pp. 341-345.

Government, with or against its will, to subscribe to the restoration of peace and equilibrium in Europe.


The league's aim would be to bring into effect what is had in mind in this concert, namely: (a) the evacuation of the Hanover country and the North of Germany; (b) the establishment of independence for the Republics of Holland and Switzerland. (c) The restoration of the King of Sardinia in Piedmont with the territory as large as circumstances may permit. (d) The future safety of the Kingdom of Naples and the total evacuation of Italy, including the Island of Elba by the French forces. (e) The establishment of an order of things in Europe which will effectively guarantee the safety and independence of the several States and raise a substantial barrier against future usurpations.25


His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias and His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, having been prompted to establish an energetic concert between themselves with the only view to secure stable and lasting peace founded on the principles of justice, equity and international law, which are their constant guides for Europe, have recognized the necessity of coming, even now, to an agreement concerning the several principles they will bring forth in accordance with the previous agreement as soon as the fortunes of war will make it necessary.

Those principles are in nowise to stand in the way of the national wish of France relative to the form of Government or in the other countries where combined armies should happen to operate; not to appropriate to themselves before peace any of the conquests which might be met by either belligerent party and to take possession of the States and territories that would be taken from the common enemy only in the name of the country or State to which they belong by recognized right, and in any other case in the name of all the members of the league. Lastly, to bring together at the end of the war a general congress for the purpose of discussing and fixing on bases more precise than they could unfortunately be up to date, the prescriptions of international law and guarantee their observation by establishing a federative system devised according to the situation of the several States of Europe.

That separate article will have the same force and value as if it had been inserted word for word in the concert that was signed on this day and shall be ratified at the same time.'



4. Their Majesties taking the most lively interest in the fulfillment of the purposes they have in mind in separate Article 6, and also in the present secret article, and particularly in having the prescriptions of international law discussed and settled in a precise manner, and their enforcement guaranteed by the general assent and by the establishment in Europe of a federative system that will guarantee the independence of the weak States by raising a formidable barrier against the ambition of the strongest, they will come to a friendly agreement among themselves on the points that may have to do with those objects, and form an intimate union to carry out the happy effects thereof. That secret article will have the same force and value as if it had been inserted

"John Holland Rose, The Third Coalition against France, 3d ser., vol. VII, p. 266.

"Ibid., p. 270.

word for word in the concert that was filed on this date, and shall be ratified at the same time.27

Kutusov's proclamation of January 1, 1813

When Alexander crossed the Niemen and entered East Prussia, January 1, 1813, his General, Marshal Kutusov, published a proclamation which declared:

Providence has blessed the arms of the Emperor my master.


pendence and peace will be the result. His Majesty offers his assistance to all the peoples which, to-day forced to oppose him, shall abandon the cause of Napoleon and henceforth follow only their own interests.28

Russian-Prussian treaty of February 28, 1813

On February 28, 1813, Russia and Prussia signed a treaty at Kalisch, in the preamble of which it is stated:

The total destruction of the hostile forces which had penetrated into the heart of Russia, has prepared the great epoch of independence for all the states which shall desire to seize the occasion to throw off the French yoke which has for so many years weighed upon them. In leading his victorious

troops beyond his own borders, the first idea of H. M. the Emperor of all the Russias was to rally to the fair cause in which Providence has so visibly protected his old and most dear allies, in order with them to fulfill the destinies on which depend the happiness and repose of the peoples exhausted by so much unrest and so many sacrifices."

Proclamation of Alexander and Frederick William, March 25, 1813

On March 25, 1813, Alexander and Frederick William III of Prussia issued to the German people a proclamation which declared that the alliance aimed only "at recovering for the German nation its imprescriptible rights of liberty and independence." Of this incident Sorel is quoted as saying:

In 1792 France had preached war and the cosmopolitan Revolution; in 1813 Russia unchained the war of nationalities.30

British position

The instructions of Castlereagh of December 26, 1813, as he proceeded to the conference which, as it transpired, was to conclude the treaty of Chaumont, provided:

The Treaty of Alliance is not to terminate with the war, but is to contain defensive engagements, with mutual obligations to support the Power attacked by France with a certain extent of stipulated succours. The casus foederis

"Ibid., p. 274.

"Phillips, The Confederation of Europe, p. 59.

"Ibid., pp. 59-60.

"Ibid., p. 60.

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