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the ground, and pressing her hand violently, exclaimed, " You have conquered; your victory is a blessed one for Rome, but ruinous to me, for I shall retrcat conquered by you alone.” After speaking thus, and conferring for a short time in privato with his mother and his wife, ho at their own request sent them back to Rome, and the following night led away the Volscian army. Various opinions wero current among the Volscians alout what had taken place. Somo blamed him severely, whilo others approved, because they wished for peace. Others again, though they disliked what ho had dono, yet did not regard him as a traitor, but as a soft-lıcartcd man who had yielded to overwhelming pressure. Ilowever, no ono disobeyed him, but all followed him in his retreat, though moro out of regard for his nollo character than for his anthority.

XXXVII. The Roman people, when tho war was at an end, showed even more plainly than before what terror and despair they had been in. As soon as they saw the Volscians retreating from their walls, all tho temples woro opened, and lilled with worshippers crowned with garlands and sacrificing as if for a victory. The joy of tho senato and peoplo was most conspicuously shown in their gratitude to tho women, whom they spoko of as having beyond all doubt saved Romo. The senato decreed that tho magistrates should grant to the women any mark of respect

and esteem which thoy themselves might choose. Tho women decided on the building of the temple of Femalo Fortune, the expenses of which they thomsolves offered to subscribo, only asking tho state to undertako the maintenance of tho services in it. The senate praised their public spirit, but ordered tho tomple and shrine to bo built at the public expense. Neverthelcss, the women with their own money provided a second image of the goddess, which the Romans say, when it was placed in tho tomplo was heard to say,

" A plcasing gist havo women placod me horo." XXXVIII. The legend says that this voice was twice heard, which seems impossible and hard for us to believe. It is not impossible for statues to sweat, to shed tears, or

to be covered with spots of blood, bec24180 wood and stone often when mouldering or decaying, collect moisture within them, and not only send it forth with many colours derived from their own substance, but also receive other colours from the air; and there is nothing that forbiils 118 to believo that by such appearances as these heaven may foreshadow the future. It is also possible that statues should make sounds like moaning or sighing, by tho tearing asunder of the particles of which they aro composed; but that articulato human speech should como from inanimato things is altogether impossillo, for neither tho human soul, nor even a god can utter words without a body fitted with the organs of speech. When cver thereforo wo find many creliblo witnesses who foico 119 to believe something of this kind, we must suppos that the imagination was influenced by somo sensation which appeared to resemble a real ono, just as in dreams wo sccm to hear when we hear not, and to sco when wo sco not. Those persons, however, who are full of religious fervour and love of the gools, anıl who refuse to disbelieve or reject anything of this kindl, find in its miraculous character, and in the fact that the ways of God aro not as our ways, a great support to their faith. For llo resembles mankind in nothing, neither in nature, nor movement, por learning, nor power, and so it is not to bo wondereil at if Ilo does what seems to us impossible. Nay, though Tlc differs from us in every respect, it is in his works that IIo is most unlike 18. But, as ITeraklcitus says, our knowledge of things divino mostly fails for want of faith.

XXXIX. When Marcius returned to Antiumn, Tullus, who had long hated him and envied his superiority, de. termined to put him to death, thinking that if he let slip the present opportunity ho should not obtain another. Javing suborned many to bear witness against hiin, he called upon him publicly to render an account to the Volscians of what he had dono as their general. Marcius, fearing to bo reduced to a private station whilo his cnomy Tullus, who had great influenco with his countrymen, was general, answered that he had been given his office of commander-in-chief by the Volscian nation, and to thom alone would he surrender it, but that as to an account

of what he had done, he was realy at that moment, if they chose, to render it to the peoplo of Autium. Accordingly the people assemble, and the popular orators ewlevoureil luy their speeches to excite the lower classes against Marcins. When, however, he roso to speak, the mol) wero awel to silence, whilo tho mobility, and thuso who hail gained by the peace, made no secret of their gool will towards liim, and of their intention to voto in his favour. Under theso circumstances, Tullus was unwilling to let him speak, for he was a brilliant orator, and his former services for outweighed his last oflenco. Indeed, the wholo indictment was a proof of low much they owed him, for they never could havo thought themsclves wronged by not tiiking Rome, if Marcius hul not brought them so near to taking it. Tullus, therefore, thought that it would not do to wait, or to trust to tlo mul), but le and the bolilest of his accomplices, crying out that tho Volscians could not listen to the traitur, nor enduro him to play tho despot over them by not laying down his command, rushcil upon liim in à boily and killed him, without any of the bystanders interfering in his behalf. Ilowever, tho most part of the nation was displeased at this act, as was soon proved by the numbers who camo from every city to sco his dead body, by tho splendid funeral with which he was honoured, and by tho arms and trophies which were hung over his tomb, as that of a bravo man and a consumato general.

The Romans, when they heard of his death, mado no sign of either honour or anger towards him, except that they gave permission to the women, at their request, to wear mourning for him for ten months, as if they wero each mourning for her father, her brother, or licr sun. This was tho extremo limit of the period of mourning, which was fixed by Numa Pompilius, as has been related in his Lifo.

The loss of Marcius was at onco felt by the Volscians. First of all, they quarrelled with tho qui, their friends anà allics, and even came to blows with them; next thoy were defeated by the Romans in a battlo in which Tullus was slain, and tho flower of tho Volscian army porishod. After this disaster they were glad to surrender mot discretion, and become the subjects of Romo.

COMPARISON OF ALKIBIADES AND

CORIOLANUS.

I. As all the most memorable achievements of both Alkibiades and Coriolanus aro now beforo us, wo inny begin our comparison by obsorving that as to military exploits, the balance is nearly even ; for both aliko gavo proofs of great personal bravery and great skill in generalship, unless it be thought that Alkibiades proved himself the moro perfect general because of his many victories both by sea and land. Both aliko obtained great success for their native countrics whilo thoy icinaincil in command of thoir countrymen, and both succeeded even moro remarkably when fighting against them. As to their respective policy, that of Alkibiades was disliked by the moro respectablo citizens, because of his personal arrogance, and the arts to which he stoopen to gain the favour of tho lower classes; while the proud ungracious haughtiness of Coriolanus caused him to be hated by the people of Rome. In this respect neither of them can be praised ; yet ho who tries to gain the favour of the peoplo is less to blame than ho who insults them for fear he should be thought to court them. Although it is wrong to flatter the peoplo in order to gain power, yet to owe one's power only to terror, and to ill treat and šecp down the masses is disgraceful as well as wrong.

II. It is not difficult to sco why Marcius is considered to have been a simple-minded and straightforward character, whilo Alkibiades has the reputation of a false and tricky politician. The latter has been especially blamed for the inanner in which he deceived and outwitted tho Lacedæmonian ambassadors, by which, as we learn from Thucydides, he brought the truce between the two nations to an end. Yet that stroke of policy, though it again involved Athens in war, rendered her strong and formidable, through the alliance with Argos and Mantinca, which she owed to Alkibiades. Marcius also, wo are told by Dionysius, producel a quarrel between the Romans and the Volscians by bringing a false accusation against thosc Volscians who cime to sco the festival at kome; and in this case the wickedness of his object increased his guilt, because he did not act from a desire of personal a grandiscnient, or from political rivalry, as did Alkibiades, but meruly yielding to what Dion calls tho unprofitablo passion of anger, lo throw a largo part of Italy into confusion, and in his rage against his nativo country destroyed inany innocent cities. On the other hand, the anger of Alkibiades cansed great misfortuno to his countrymen; yet as soon as he found that they had relented towards him ho returned cheerfully to his allegiance, and after being banished for the second time, did not take any delight in seeing their generals defeated, and could not sit still and let them mako inistakes and uselessly expose themselves to danger. llo did just what Aristidios is so much praised for doing to Themistokles; ho went to the generals, although they were not his friends, and pointed out to them what ought to be done.

Marcius, again, is to be blamed for having made tho whole of Rome suffer for what only a part of it had done, while the best and most important class of citizens had been wronged equally with himself, and warmly sympathised with him. Afterwards, although his countrymen sent him many embassies, beseeching his forgiveness for their ono act of ignorance and passion, ho would not listen to them, but showed that it was with the intention of utterly destroying Rome, not of obtaining his own restoration to it, that he had begun that terrible and savage war against it. This, then, may be noted as the difference between their respectivo positions: Alkibiades went back to the Athenian side when the Spartans began to plot against him, because he both feared them and hated them ; but Marcius, who was in every respect well treated by the Volscians, could not honourably desert their cause. He had been elected their commander-in

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