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on the shores or soil of great Britain, Ireland, or the other islands which class along with them, as the aggregate ground of our Empire at home.

Slaves cannot breathe in England, if their lungs
Receive our air, that moment they are free;
They touch our country and their shackles fall,
That's noble, and bespeaks a nation proud,
And jealous of the blessing. Spread it then,
And let it circulate through ev'ry vein

Of all your empire; that where Britain's pow'r
Is felt, mankind may feel her mercy too!

Without detailing this, cruel traffic farther I shall finish the consideration of it by an extract from the work of an American Clergyman, who cannot be sus pected of fabricating or mistating facts to scandalize his native country.* *

Much has been written of late to shew the injustice and iniquity of enslaving the Africans, so much so as to render it unnecessary here to say any thing on that part of the subject. We cannot however forhear introducing a few observations respecting the influence of slavery upon policy, morals and manners. From repeated and accurate calculations, it has been found, that the expense of maintaining a slave, especially if we include the purchase money, is much greater than that of maintaining a Freeman, and the labour of the Free, man, influenced by the powerful motive of gain, is at least twice as profitable to the employer as that of the slave. Besides slavery is the bane of industry. renders labour among the whites not only unfashionable, but disreputable. Industry is the offspring of necessity; and indolence, which strikes at the root of all social and political happiness, is the unhappy conse quence of slavery.

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Mr. Jedidiah Morse.

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These observations, without adding any thing upon the injustice of the practice, shew that slavery is impolitic. Its influence on manners and morals is equally pernicious.

The negro wenches in many, perhaps I may say in most instances, are nurses to their mistress's children. The infant babe, as soon as it is born, is delivered to its black nurse, and perhaps seldom or never takes a drop of its mother's milk.

The children, by being brought up and constantly associating with the negroes, too often imbibe their low ideas, and vitiated manners and morals; and contract a negraish kind of accent and dialect, which they often carry with them through life. A mischief common, in a greater or less degree, in all the Southern States, at which humanity and decency blushes, is the criminal intercourse between the whites and blacks.

"The enjoyment of a negro, or mulatto woman," says traveller of observation "is spoken of as quite a common thing." No reluctance, delicacy, or shame appears about the matter. It is far from being uncommon to see a gentleman at dinner, and his reputed son a slave, waiting at the table. "I myself," says the writer,

saw two instances of this kind, and the company would very facetiously trace the features of the father and mother in the child, and very acurately point out the characterstic resemblance. The fathers, neither of them blushed, or seemed disconcerted. They were called men of worth, politeness and humanity. Strange perversion of terms and language! The Africans are said to be inferior in point of sense, understanding, sentiment, and feeling, to white people; hence the one infers a right to inslave the other. The African labours night and day to collect a small the freedom of his child: the white man begets his like. ness, and with much indifference and dignity of soul, sees his offspring in bondage and misery, nor makes

pittance to purchase

one effort to redeem his own blood. Choice food for satire! Wide room for burlesque! Noble game for wit! Sad cause for pity to bleed, and for humanity to weep, unless the enkindled blood enflame resentment, and vent itself in execrations!"

After the departure of General Clinton, and Lord Cornwallis's taking the command of our army in South Carolina, and our marching to Camden, where we stopped some time, the whole of the adjacent country appeared to be pacified, but in fact there was no real tranquillity, as the vengeful spirit of disaffection and revolt frequently broke out. Numbers of the people who took arms and fought in furtherance of the Colonial cause, came in and obtained written protections, on their taking an obligation to preserve allegiance and good order in future. On this subject it may not be uninteresting to observe that three of the above mentioned description, who availed themselves of the amnesty published and granted by Lord Cornwallis, being found afterward fighting against some of the Royal troops in the neighbourhood of Camden, were taken prisoners, convicted and sentenced to suffer death for breaking the conditions of clemency which they themselves petitioned for, and solemnly promised to observe. Every preparation was made for their execution, and they were actually in progress to suffer on the gallows which had been erected to execute them, when Lord Cornwallis benevolently interposed and pardoned them. It is impossible to describe their excess of joy on their unexpected escape from death they prayed for the prosperity of the king and Lord Cornwallis, and loudly declared, that so far from continuing enemies to the British, they would risk their lives and properties to promote his Majesty's empire in the States.

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It was at this time, viz. 16th, August 1780, that the memorable battle of Camden was fought, which brought

General Gates into a degree of disgrace with the Congress, which whether or not he merited, sent him into privacy from the military profession during the residue of his life. His good fortune in the North, which enabled him to cover General Burgoyne with discomfiture, obtained for him a superior command in the South, a scene, where in his turn, he was signally discomfited by Lord Cornwallis. This defeat decided his military carcer, as it does not appear he ever after solicited or was called to a command during the war in America, He was it is true taking measures and making dispositions for renewing hostilities, until he was noticed officially to resign in General Green's favour. It is worthy of remark that Congress invariably betrayed suspicions of their General Officers, in the case of their being Englishmen by birth, as General Gates was, Were they not influenced by jealous apprehensions, one must think, they would not have displaced him for his want of success in the action at Camden, as his previous successes deserved for him the greatest confidence from the States.*

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General Gates seemed to be aware of the motives of Congress, and no doubt (although he silently retired) turned away to his private affairs in disgust with, political and party distractions. He had, indeed done his utmost for his adopted country, although in the instance of his being superseded, it refused to confide in him as it would in a less capable and honourable American.

General Gates was considered a scholar, a soldier and a gentleman. He must have received a valuable military education, in his early youth, having acquired the rudiments and first knowledge of the profession of arms, in one of the then best schools of Europe, viz. under Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick. He went to North America long before the revolution as a Captain in a marching regiment, and entertained such a fond par*See Author's Journal of the American War, page 302.

tiality for the Western hemisphere, that on returning to England he sold his commission, and proceeded back to the States to settle there for life. It was, no doubt, well for the Colonies to have the opportunity of such an individual to take command at the commencement of hostilities. His abilities and success evidenced the wisdem of Congress in appointing him a commander, but their capricious disapprobation of him afterwards published their low suspicions.

General Gates must have expected reward, at least gratitude for his successful efforts, and to be cashiered for one adverse engagement, could not fail to fill his bosom with chagrin. The excellency of his mind and disposition enabled him to exhibit no resentment, and thus his equanimity supplied more satisfaction at such a time than the magnanimity of some haughty chief could I afford when indignant at ill-treatment. He early chose the States as his country, and he cannot be thought to take up arms in the Colonial war without true affection for America.

In the great conflict, and indeed in his general conduct he maintained the character of ingenuous integrity; and we have no reason to deny him the credit of being what he professed to be, in a letter to General Lee, viz.. "ready to risque his life to preserve the liberty of the Western World.” He concludes the letfor alluded to with the following emphatic and Patriotic lines:

On this condition would I build my fame,
And emulate the Greek and Roman name;
Think freedom's rights bought cheaply with my blood,
And die with pleasure for my country's good.

Since the cngagement at Camden, we traversed nearly 1500 miles, during which we fought the severe action of Guildford Court-house, which has been particularly

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