within the narrow compass of this little vol- instead of being benefitted by the informaume, are not to be appreciated or estimated tion and instruction which might be readily on a hasty perusal. We know, indeed, few extracted from it by those who sincerely books which more imperatively require care- sought to be enlightened in regard to the ful and discriminating study, and few better vexed question of slavery. calculated to reward the attention bestowed This volume exhibits in a new and highly upon it, in exact proportion to the degree of suggestive form the reasons by which the that attention. Every page provokes reflec- South justifies, may justify, or ought, in a tion, needs consideration, and reveals points great measure, to justify the maintenance of worthy of continued meditation, and not to the institution of slavery, and exposes the be safely accepted without it. Every tenet secret causes of the agitation and distress laid down, however true it may be in the which afflict the free societies of Western main and in its legitimate employment, fur- Europe, and, in a slighter degree, the Northnishes only the germ of a wide range of ern States of the Confederacy. It points thought, and requires extension, restriction, out the injuries and oppression, not individdevelopment or explanation before it con-ual only, but principally systematic and lesents to yield its full treasure of instruction. gal, which descend upon the masses-the The South should diligently master its views, weak, the heedless, the ignorant, and the and critically weigh its precepts. Whether upright from that system of unrestrained they are accepted or rejected, in whole or in competition and avidity for wealth, which, in part, they should be thoroughly understood. combination with free labor, tyrannizes over And, notwithstanding the faithful attention other parts of the civilized world—and is it may exact, it is no unwelcome task to often too foolishly pursued, though to a much study a book sparkling with vivacity, abound-more limited extent, even in the Southern ing in novel fancies and strange extravagan- States. It places in a clear light the condices, pleasantly and humorously written, and tion to which the free societies in the most always entertaining. It should be in the advanced regions of Christendom have been hands of every Southern man-planter, law- reduced by the concurrent action of free layer, mechanic, merchant and politician-it bour, free competition and free avarice; and will afford new and bright lights to all, and illustrates the wretchedness of this condition should they even repudiate three-fourths of by the frequent and precise confessions of its contents, we should not deem them to the numerous authors in those countries who have committed any grievous indiscretion, have made existing evils and their possible provided they disentangle from the mass of alleviation the special objects of laborious inits accompaniments the real argument for vestigation. From these results it deduces slavery which is intertwined with the whole the conclusion that the experiment of free work, and hold fast to it when unravelled. labour has been fully tried, and has signally It should be diligently commended to the re- failed, and that consequently, so far as this gards of Southern youth, especially in con- testimony goes, there is no ground for cennection with their political, politico-econom-suring or abandoning slave labor, or being ical and juridical studies at college, though tempted to imitate a practice which has althe want of system and symmetry, and the ready eventuated fatally under the most brilprofusion of wild fantasies render it unsuit-liant and boastful auspices. It is a negative able for a text-book, and might perhaps prove demonstration of the propriety of slavery, hazardous to youthful students. To the but it is very forcible, nor is a more direct North it may be less confidently recommend-proof overlooked or altogether omitted. ed: not that it is deficient in valuable in- There is nothing dogmatic or authoritastruction for that region of the country, or tive in Mr. Fitzhugh's justification of slafor considerate and dispassionate men in any very, or in his argument against free labour. part of the world, but because prejudice He offers suggestions for the consideration of would disregard the recommendation, and others; he states his own views to stimulate cavil at the numerous assailable points which the inquiries and reflections of his fellowoffer tempting opportunities for objection, citizens; avows boldly and too hastily his conclusions; and very rarely does full jus- Mr. Fitzhugh if the first draft of his theory tice either to himself or his doctrines. He exemplifies the operation of the general law. produces irritants to excite examination and It were vain to undertake a minute and thought, rather than results calculated to ar- detailed criticism of a treatise which treats rest and allay discussion. He has rather of such an endless diversity of dissimilar but marked out the battle-field for a new strug- connected topics as are compressed into his gle in a wider arena, than fought the fight, volume. Where every sentence invites or claimed the victory. With utter reckless- comment, and every paragraph broaches an ness of both statement and expression, there unfamiliar and not wholly acceptable docis a singular freedom from over-weening trine, any thorough or detailed examination confidence, and a genial good-humour which of the text would become a perpetual commay often disarm the antagonist who might mentary, would swell into an ampler volume be provoked by his sweeping assertions, and than that which was noticed, and would be which must always prove attractive to his as tedious, unsatisfactory and bewildering as readers. Dogmatism is neither the purpose any essay could be rendered by multiplicity nor the temper of this book. Many persons of views, dislocation of parts, repetition of even at the South, will misapprehend and principles, and prolixity of exposition. From imprudently repudiate it: but he has made this ominous array of unpopular vices we a new issue, which must ultimately be tried earnestly seek a safe and speedy deliverbefore the tribunal of the world. Many will ance; and, as the most certain mode of be incapable of comprehending it; but either avoiding them, shall separate one branch of he will himself prune, correct, develope, the subject from the rest, and confine our explain and methodize his views in a second attention almost exclusively to that alone. edition of his work, which ought to be soon The division selected for examination may called for, and ought to be quadruple the ex- afford opportunities of noticing incidentally tent of the present volume, or others will many dependent or affiliated topics, but they take up the subject and present it in other and will be considered only when they lie directfuller lights. Many will be averse from wel-ly in the path: it may illustrate the whole coming tenets which often conflict so rudely tenor of Mr. Fitzhugh's argument, but we and so unexpectedly with long cherished im- shall not follow that argument through all its aginations, but these will be either entirely circumvolutions and ramifications, and shall discarded by the author on further examina- usually pass over without notice or censure tion, or will be elucidated and restricted till those strange fantasies which have no direct they are rendered acceptable. The treatise or necessary connection with the main purcannot be endorsed by any one who does not pose of the book. swallow it in the lump with his eyes shut, Mr. Fitzhugh has entitled his work 'Socithroughout its entire extent: it is full of the ology for the South, or the Failure of Free author's idiosyncracy; it often utters doc- Society.' Leaving out of view the mistake trines which are strained, warped, or unte- of specializing the science of a general subnable, and it does this without the least ne- ject-of giving to the theory of a limited cessity. The argument requires expansion, portion of the phenomena the name which extension, concentration, precision, illustra- must embrace the consideration of all the tion and modification, before it can be entire- facts and their changes if the theory is to ly satisfactory or altogether valid: but it is be a science at all, we must observe that this an original proposition of a new and pro- work is not a Sociology for the South, but found view of a difficult and long agitated the first lineaments of such a science, and question: it is running over with important a collection of special contributions towards suggestions and its general positions, if such a science. The second designation of freed from their eccentricities and excrescen- the book, however, characterizes more plainces appear to us perfectly just, true and irre-ly its distinctive purpose. It is by no means fragable. The first enunciations of a novel co-extensive with the range of the discusdoctrine are never exempt from error, excess sion, but it designates the central idea of the and extravagance, and it is no discredit to argument, the proposition which is most no vel, and which it is most essential to sustain societies, to nascent industry, to agricultural in order to ensure validity to the new train pursuits, and to countries where the populaof reasoning and secure success for the book. tion is not too dense for the easy support of It is the key of the position, the basis of the all. The progress of population, and the operations, the ground which allows and in- tendency to rapid multiplication of numbers duces the conversion of a defensive warfare and products, and to that premature activity into an offensive campaign. It is this par- of production which generates the vast forticular branch of Mr. Fitzhugh's speculations tunes of individuals, and swells the aggrewhich we have selected as the special sub- gate annual profit of nations are retarded by ject of the present notice. For reasons, the existence of slavery. It tends to produce which will be sufficiently apparent, we pro- permanent well-being in societies, by renpose to narrow the issue, and, instead of dering their present welfare assured, and by maintaining the absolute and necessary fail- communicating a slow and regular moveure of all free society, we shall content our-ment towards further advancement, which selves with the consideration of the alleged is made not much faster under healthy confailure of free society among the principal ditions than the gradual increase of populanations of modern times, whose industrial, tion requires. This great result of slavery political and social organization rests upon its chief social benefit in our estimationfree labour as a fundamental principle. We has been too often overlooked at the South, shall thus be relieved from the dangers and in consequence of the impatient zeal with suspicions to which unrestrained conjecture which Southern men have sought to equal or and abstract inferences are obnoxious, we approach the individual gains of Northern shall have facts at all times for our guidance, manufacturers, merchants and tradesmen, by principles can be traced clearly and directly imitating, aping, borrowing and rivalling their to their effects; there will be no necessity practices and procedure. If these objects for introducing such contested points as the could be fuller attained, slavery would beidentity of slavery, servitude and continual come useless, disadvantageous and intoleraservice; the field of operations will be limi- ble to both masters and slaves. The instituted to a convenient size; and the ultimate tions of the two sections of the Confederacy conclusions, besides being placed beyond the are entirely opposed, and they necessitate, reach of cavil, will afford as efficient testi- if they do not rather spring from opposite mony in regard to the merits and demerits tendencies. The interests of the two may of slavery as could be derived from the most be harmoniously combined, but their systems complete solution of the more general ques- cannot be transferred from one to the other, tion. and permanently conjoined with those alMr. Fitzhugh's want of caution is strongly ready existing in each, without entailing ruin manifested in his assertion of the larger and disaster. Mr. Fitzhugh overlooks the proposition. He lengthens unnecessarily the essential dissimilarity of pursuits which is line of his operations, and thereby weakens dependent upon the diversity of industrial its real or apparent strength. This impru- organization, when he recommends the muldence is partly due to his predisposition to tiplication of manufactures and the diminupush his doctrines to their extreme conse- tion of agriculture at the South. We corquences, or rather to prefer extreme doc-dially agree with him in condemning uniform trines to moderate statements. He declares and exclusive industry of any kind; we agree and endeavors to prove free society an abso- with him in desiring variety and a sufficilute failure; and he intimates that slavery ency of manufactures for domestic consumpis a universal blessing. Neither of these po- tion, but not foreign trade and competition. sitions can be readily assented to, nor was We cannot concur with him throughout, either of them necessary for the purpose in when he says: view. If an absolute choice could be made "The South must vary and multiply her between the two antagonistic principles of pursuits, consume her crops at home, keep slavery and free labour, slavery might claim her people at home, increase her population, the preference. It belongs to the infancy of build up cities, towns and villages, establish more schools and colleges, educate the poor, free society rapidly degenerates into a curse. construct internal improvements, carry on It is in this form that it is now presented in her own commerce, and carry on that if pos- the most civilized countries of Christendom_ sible with more Southern regions: for the it is thus that it is exhibited in the Northern North, whether in Europe or here, will man- States-it is in this type that it is exclusively ufacture for, cheat her, and keep her depen- considered by Mr. Fitzhugh-it is under this dent. She would manufacture for the far South, aspect that it is declared to be a failure. It and get thus the same profits and advanta- does not follow that free society is necesges that are now extracted from her by the sarily, under all circumstances, and at all North. Do these things, and she will be times ruinous, as he appears to allege: but rich, enlightened and independent; neglect that it is ultimately fatal in conjunction with them, and she will become poor, weak and free competition and the rabid pursuit of contemptible." gain. Limited to his point of view, his po If she does some of these things, and sition is correct; it is not tenable in the does them with moderation and discretion, broader universality with which it is stated. the South will continue to be prosperous and It must be admitted, however, that, as free enlightened, and will increase in both re- society is the last phase of social developspects if she does all of them, or most of ment, it always menaces ultimate decay, nor them with avidity, and competes with the is there the same facility in retarding the North in trade and manufactures, the South movement and protracting the decline as is will become North, and slavery will be afforded by slavery, when slave communispeedily extinguished. The aggressions of ties verge towards their dissolution. It is the the North may compel the adoption of this closing act of the drama; the course is course in self-defence, but its definite estab- thenceforward precipitous; the elements of lishment would almost certainly dissolve the society are then less subject to control; and institutions of the South, and introduce free the greater complexity of the organization, labour exclusively. as well as the greater multiplicity and deliFree society follows when slavery is no cacy of the conditions of social existence, longer practicable or expedient. Free labor render any interference almost impracticaoccupies at first the intermediate ground be-ble and usually fatal. But it must be rememtween slavery or serfdom and the loose, float-bered that slavery will not itself prevent soing, uncertain condition of the labourer now cial and national decline, or avert, though it so much and injudiciously lauded by the free may retard the corroding action of univerStates of Christendom. It is then volunta- sal greed on the frame work of society. ry service. It does not impose absolute per- During the wretched degradation and cormanence of engagement to the same mas-ruption of the later days of Athens, as duters, but it usually produces it. As long as ring the long decay of Roman prosperity and labour continues to exist in this form it civilization, slavery was in full force, and unites the advantages of slavery and free- was in neither case rendered inefficient or dom, and is more beneficial in the state of inexpedient by the pressure of population. society which originated it, and to which it In both instances, as in modern Europe and is congenial, than the prolongation of slavery in the Northern States, the real distemper would have been. But if the energies and under which the patient languished, was the resources of society are stimulated and inordinate and exclusive appetency for gain strained to rapid production-if the desire of which had sapped the morals and misguided gain to the gainers becomes the ruling pas- the intelligence of the people. To this pas sion of life, and free competition is intro- sion, and to its diffusion free labor ministers. duced and encouraged for the sake of greater directly and effectually, while slavery is gain to the gainers, without regard to the calculated to impede and resist its action; loss or decline of the losers, or to the moral and therefore Mr. Fitzhugh very properly and social effects on the community, then connects the examination of the philosophy which prescribes free labour, and the congenial practices which accompany it, with the *Sociology for the South, chap. XIV., p. 158. discussion of the consequences of free labour its aberrations and condemning its misappliitself. cations. With this imprudence, as it apThe result of his investigations is that the pears to us, we shall not at present concern theory on which the system of free societies ourselves; but we must note in passing the is founded, is false in principle, immoral in justice and sagacity with which he traces the its doctrines, and fatal in its effects. He ar- creation and ascendancy of the doctrines of rives at these conclusions by the examina- Political Economy to the introduction and tion of those theories which modern prac- acceptance of the fiction of the Social Contice has borrowed from the science of Polit-tract. They are both intimately connected ical Economy, by the estimation of the mo- together. The form which Political Econoral tenets which flow from such premises, my assumed in the hands of Adam Smith and by the testimony afforded by history and and his disciples, whether true or not, was present experience to the social consequen- largely determined by the previous political ces which have thence descended. He tests theory of the institution of political society the merits of the modern tree of life-Mam- by the voluntary agreement of its members. mon's copy of the great Ash Igdrasyl-in This dream of political philosophy to which its fruits, its branches, and its root. The John Locke gave shape and currency in his first he finds to be ashes, the second rotten; refutation of Sir Robert Filmer's divine right and the third intoxicating and poisonous. It of kings, and to which Jean Jacques Rousis no violent inference to conclude that this seau imparted new vitality and a horrible is a false, delusive and fatal copy of the tree energy, was a tempting doctrine for the lawof life, and that it does not afford exactly yers who guided the Revolution of 1688, such an exemplification of social health as and in admirable harmony with the legal ficshould characterize those who point to them- tions of an age when John Doe and Richard selves as models of perfection, and who call Roe were the champions of the courts, and others lepers for refusing to shelter them- the titles to lands were settled by forcible selves under the verdure of their venerated entry and ejeciment. It was a figment, howDruidical grove, and to eat of its acorns. ever, which had not seduced the cool and Mr. Fitzhugh also draws the very natural in-capacious mind of Aristotle, and had been ference that this is not altogether the tree rejected by St. Thomas Aquinas, St. Anselm which is best entitled to the worship and and the great doctors of the middle ages. In cultivation of every nation under the sun; more recent times it was repudiated by Daand that the communities by which it has vid Hume, the contemporary and friend of been most assiduously cultivated have made Adam Smith, and has been scattered to the a ruinous mistake, and have failed utterly in winds in the Political Ethics of Dr. Francis raising those fruits of peace, happiness, vir- Lieber. Nevertheless, it has met with altue, prosperity, security and contentment most universal favor since the publication of which they expected to gather from its Locke's treatise on Government, and was in branches. To abandon the use of the lan- its most flourishing era towards the close of guage of metaphor, he concludes that Free the eighteenth century. It is justly attacked, Society has failed in those great communities denied and refuted by Mr. Fitzhugh, which have spoken most loudly in its praise. constituting a customary part of the philosoWe have said that Mr. Fitzhugh examines phy of the advocates of exclusive free lathe system adopted and promulgated by free bour. With equal propriety he disclaims labour communities in its roots, its branches, the doctrine of the original equality of men, and its fruits-in its principles, their appli- which is closely affiliated with it, and which cations and their effects. Assuming, in some sometimes appears as its consequence, more measure unwarrantably, that Political Econ- frequently as its basis. It is somewhat omy is the necessary philosophy, as it certain- strange that a tenet incorporated into the ly is the ordinary and appropriate theory of jurisprudence of Imperial Rome, and not modern social action, he commits the indiscretion of assailing this science eo nomine, instead of contenting himself with attacking *Sociology for the South, chap. I. p. 25-7. as |