PUBLISHED MONTHLY AT THREE DOLLARS PER ANNUM-JNO. R. THOMPSON, EDITOR.

VOL. XXI.

NO. 2.

RICHMOND, FEBRUARY, 1855.

PARTY LEADERS.*

Prentiss contained in the latter, could we believe that such versatility of talent was the gift of one individual. While the object of

It is a grateful task to review a work of the latter work is solely to amuse, the former genius from a Virginian's pen. We regard contains views worthy of a statesman's con"Party Leaders" with peculiar favor as af-sideration. fording gratification to our State pride.

consider some views which our author ad

The Southern Literary Messenger is the attention of the reading and thinking portion The object of this sketch is to invite the proper medium through which Virginians of our community to "Party Leaders," as it should invite Virginians to the perusal, study needs to be read and thought upon carefully and criticism of the literary productions of to be duly appreciated. We wish also to Virginia. That this work should be reviewed in this periodical is the more appropriate, vances and to deal candidly in our criticism, inasmuch as the leading ideas which form although we must acknowledge that we are the substance of a portion of it, appeared all the time in an excellent humor with one, before the public for the first time in its pages, who for the second time in a different way, under the title of “Representative Men." has so greatly entertained us. When we saw those papers, we were struck The plan of this work is singularly applicawith their conception as original. When the ble to the present moment. The exciting ques present work appeared, we were pleased that tions, which so long have divided the polititheir author, having amplified and improved cal parties have passed off the stage, and in them, had presented them to the reading the quiet which now reigns where once such community in a more permanent form. This bustle pervaded. we can look back and see is not the first appearance of our author, Mr. what was the cause of the contest. ReflecBaldwin, either in the Messenger or in book tion has succeeded to debate. The partisan form before the public, our Messenger read- editorial has given place to the class of works ers having been delighted during a series of of which this is a sample which will in turn, numbers by the sketches of the Flush Times afford material for permanent and substantial of Alabama and Mississippi; which work re- history. vised and enlarged was lately published, and An age of action is ever succeeded, as it has had an extended circulation. With a was preceded, by an age of thought. Those nice perception of character, a keen sense great men, who carried through our revoluof the ludicrous, a strong power of descrip- tion were succeeded by a race of political tion and grouping, united with a delicacy of heroes who established our constitutions and feeling suitable to the most fastidious, the forms of society, and therein represented success of our author in this department has principles which will ever divide our people. been equal to if not beyond that of the writer The lives of such men are the history of our of Georgia Scenes. country: their principles of action, the inWe were somewhat surprised when we dex-mark of the feelings of our people; of saw that Party Leaders" was by the au- whom they were the party leaders. thor of "Flush Times." Not until we The great man is truly a representative: thought of the stirring and graphic sketch of and this character is the secret of that power *PARTY LEADERS: Sketches of Jefferson, Hamilton, he possesses over the minds and hearts of Clay, Jackson and Randolph; including notices of other his contemporaries, binding them to him by distinguished American Statesmen. By Joseph G. Baldwin, author of the Flush Times of Alabama and Missis unseen sympathies, attracting the attention sippi New York: Appleton & Co. 1854. of the age and winning the appellation of

VOL. XXI-9

great. Representing certain feelings, he be- [quires a higher grade of talent than the hiscomes the spokesman of thoughts struggling toric ability. Hence critics have so highly for expression. We unfold our own charac-esteemed Sallust, from his character of Cato, ter by yielding assent to his expression of Cæsar and Cataline. But classic genius has our indwelling and preconceived, but unex- taken a higher step, requiring double the pressed and inarticulate feelings and thoughts. study and skill. It is to draw characters and The mass of mankind have not the gift of then compare them, so as to illuminate one expression. They have feelings, passions by the light of the other. On this basis, and thoughts, mingled in confusion without Plutarch's fame rests. Although a Boetian the power to reduce them into order and to by birth-with an involved style-of doubtgive to them expression. The man who does ful authority on historical points, yet his Parthat for them, they look up to and account as allels have been more read and read to betgreat; for he has done that for them that ter purpose, than many of the graceful efthey were unable to do for themselves. He forts of the highest grade of Roman and Athehas reduced to order what to them was nian genius. A superficial observer might chaos-he has expressed what was to them think that our author took his idea from Pluunutterable. There is an expression other tarch and merely applied it to American histhan speech, not only more distinct and more tory: but such is not the case. Plutarch powerful, but more pervasive. Actions not wished to write Grecian history in that best only speak louder than words, but they ex-of all possible ways, by portraying their reppress what words cannot. Thoughts alone resentative men. So far his plan and that can be expressed in words-feelings are un-of our author concur. But Plutarch sought utterable save in action. Thus it is that the to individualize his characters by comparing statesman in the form of laws, embodies the each Grecian with some Roman hero, who sentiments and feelings of those on whom had performed nearly the same office in his they are to act, and in proportion to the fidel- country's history-hence he compares oraity with which he does this, does he become tors with orators, statesmen with statesmen, the living and acting representative. There generals with generals, Demosthenes with is, however, another step in greatness. The Cicero, Solon with Publicola, Pelopidas with truly great man, having given expression to Marcellus. More closely even than this does the struggling feelings, looks back into the he pursue his parallels of character. As far depths from which they spring and discovers as possible he compares those who figured in the principles on which they rest. These he the same comparative period of their counpursues to their legitimate consequences, try's history, and who followed out the same drawing hidden conclusions, awakening new principles of political action. Hence he sympathies, arousing slumbering feelings, compares Theseus with Romulus, both of exhibiting their unity with each other and whom were founders of nations, shrouded in with feelings already known and principles the myths of antiquity; and compares the already admitted. He thus constructs a sys- military despotism of Lysander with the santem, builds up a party and becomes its leader. guinary proscription of Sylla. Our author's These remarks, which we make as true ab- plan is different. Adopting the idea of Plustractly, and therefore applicable to all great tarch in portraying the characters of the repmen, apply with peculiar force in our repre- resentative men of the age, he has departed sentative form of government. No man ever from his plan in this, that he depicts in conremained in public service in America, with- nection with each other, the advocates of out representing in his feelings, habits or different principles, who contended with each principles, something peculiar to the people. other over them, at the same time in the So much for the leading idea of the work. arena of American politics. He thus preIn order to appreciate the success of our au- serves through his work the succession of thor and to give him due credit therefor, we events, and shows the results of the strug. should look to the difficulties of his task. gle: in fine, in his own words, "he has uniThe delineation of character has ever been ted biography with political history and by considered a master stroke of mind. It re- placing rival leaders in antagonism, has made

events and principles, stand out in bold re-ments of this progressive time from among lief and given a more striking expression to the multitudinous material objects, which the characters he has ventured to describe." spring up in rank luxuriance around our free In this departure we give him credit for orig-institutions; from the throng of men, the inality, at least in the execution.

which time, and the mould which calumny, have gathered on their naïnes."

In these sketches, our author has delineated with great accuracy and justice, the first political struggle on principle in our Federal

scream of the engine, the street roaring with We say originality in the execution, for the tide of life-to visit the quiet cemetery, who that has read and thought about our his- where the patriarchs, the martyrs, and the tory, has not seen diverse characters ever fathers of the Republic repose; and like struggling for different principles. It is the Old Mortality' with mallet and chisel in glory of our institutions that they foster two hand, bending over the tombs in pious rev. apparently warring principles of political con-erence, have sought to remove the moss duct at the same time. To advocate these, as they require advocates, the men of talent in every age array themselves on either side, and thus carry on the contest. There are on the one hand progressive, and on the other conservative. The triumph of either to the Government. At the present day, since the destruction of the other, would overturn our triumph of the party of his great rival, we political balance. Hence we see in the af- are apt to undervalue the pubic services of fairs of the day, the hand of Providence Hamilton, to listen to nothing but the princi(which in the turbulence of political strifes, ples of his political adversaries and to adopt is attributed falsely to the whirlwind of Jefferson's inconsistencies as rules of action. chance,) is working out a resultant of While we are reviling with indecorous acrithese contending moral forces, which will mony the memory of the illustrious consolimove with triumph into the unknown future dationist, we are ourselves adopting insenthe principles of American freedom. How sibly some of the legitimate deductions from true. therefore, is this passage of our author: those political axioms, which we had just de- * "Accuser and accused-once associates and nounced as heresies. That Hamilton was a compatriots in the work of the independence patriot, even the most narrow-minded of of America and Americans-are all gone to his enemies must admit. He conscienthat bourne where the mighty events, as we tiously feared that anarchy was the great esteem them, of this mortal life are remem- danger of the tendency of our institutions. bered, if remembered at all, but as empty It is not wonderful that a gentleman and a pageants and flitting shadows. The memory scholar at that day, and reared up also in the of these august shades is all that is left them English school of politics, should have this except their works; and the fame they have apprehension. Hence he wished to strengthen left is more our property than theirs. And and enlarge the powers of government. How justice to ourselves and to the truth of his- many abuse his name and scout his memory, tory requires the declaration that a nobler who are for checking the extension of the band of patriots than those who stood around institutions of the South by the power of the the first and second administrations of the Federal Government-nay, many who pregovernment, never lived. If they erred fer to carry on all public improvements at about modes of administration, theirs was an the charge and by the agency of governhonest error-and inheriting our principles ment, instead of conducting them on the infrom the victors, we need not take them with dividual principle. The red republican antheir incumbrance of personal or party pre- archist, who above all other men detests judices for the liberty we hold, was it not Hamilton, and whom Hamilton detested bequeathed equally by victor and vanquish- above all other men, only carries to extremes ed-by Federalist and Republican?" his cameo-stone principles when he asserts

The order of this work is chronological. that government should give land to the landMr. Baldwin commences it with a parallel of less, employment to the laborer and by taxHamilton and Jefferson. In his own words, ation on the property holder, should instruct "we have stolen out from the busy employ- in the three R's, the ragged children of the

Five Points. Our author thus sums up the fostering hand of governmental aid. This great influence Hamilton's opinions now have peculiarity of his system, rejecting as its patin our country: tern all previous types of government, lest "His influence, though more of class than its leader to his own unaided reason. It is Jefferson's, was not less durable. He ad- this fact, that accounts for those many indressed the mercantile, professional and mil-consistencies, which the author has so viitary classes, representing a great portion of vidly portrayed. They arose not from his the wealth and talent of the country, espe- system, but from departures from it. He cially of the commercial cities; and in his shrunk back from the astounding conclusions own State he wielded an influence and had a to which his system logically led. The danpopularity almost unequalled; and strength-ger with all original characters is, that they ened by the circumstances attending his are apt to depart from their preconceived death, he left upon the minds of his country-design. We are of the opinion that the menmen, an impression of his power and his tal character of Mr. Jefferson had more of worth, never felt since the days of Wash- originality, than any that our work treats of. ington. His writings have passed into the His mind was of that massive mould, fit to text-books of schools, and colleges, and pol- form new and lasting systems of political iticians, and are quoted as authority in se- and social philosophy; not of that superfinates and courts, State and Federal, supreme ciality that only strives to put old ideas in a and inferior, and not less for their reasoning new light. His was the mind of Columbus, than their style, have become classics in our discovering a new world, and leaving to political literature to endure as long as the institutions they illustrate."

those who were to come after him to clear up and cultivate those unexplored regions.

The sketch of Mr. Jefferson, as drawn by So far has our author adhered to his plan. our author, is eminently successful. He After this sketch of Hamilton and Jefferson, seizes the fundamental idea, on which rested he comes to speak of John Randolph of Roanhis whole political system. On page 72 we oke. In treating of him alone, he has defind these words: "He felt jealous of all parted from his plan through necessity. In governments and was full of distrust of all character and in principle, Randolph was who controlled them. His sympathies were truly unique. Highly elevated in social powith the people. He was for a weak gov-sition and exclusive in his feelings, he called ernment. He thought the world was gov- himself and truly was a tribune of the peoerned over much." In this quotation, we ple. Slightly glancing at him, one is puzhave the concentrated essence of all Jeffer-zled how one so different from the general son felt and thought about government. It type of character in our democratic times, was just there that he fused with the popu- could have in his heart any chord in unison lar feeling on the subject; and in expressing with the great body of the people. Before this idea, acting on this principle, and em- reflecting maturely on the subject, we have bodying this feeling, he became the repre- often wondered how the aristocratic hermit sentative of that system, the leader of that of Roanoke ever retained such a hold upon party. The manner in which we find this that people, whom he himself characterised feeling accounted for by the author is per- as "such a constituency as man never had, fectly satisfactory. It was a bold generali- and never will have again." In his princization-a new suggestion. He called on his- ples, he was not only unique, but entirely tory to show that the world had always been consistent, and hence our author could comwrong and started a new school of politics, pare him with no one of his contemporaries. looking to antiquity not for truth, but only to We have seen how Jefferson fell into Hamilpoint out the consequences of error. This tonian errors. Mr. Calhoun, after whom was at the bottom of his strict construction. Randolph's school, of which he was only a He was for circumscribing the powers of all disciple, has ever been, and for a long time. sorts of government. In obedience to this will, continue to be named, was not consistprinciple, he divorced Church and State; and ent. But of all others, Mr. Randolph was withdrew from hereditary aristocracy the the truest representative in principle and

spirit of the Virginia school of politics. | sprang forth to deeds of chivalrous emprize: Here observe this eloquent passage of our so Randolph's clarion tones waked the leadauthor on this subject: ers of his party to battle for the cause of their order."

"If history gives us any knowledge of any other public man so true and loyal to an For several reasons we regard Mr. Baldidea, as this man was, we do not know the win's sketch of Randolph the most interestvolume in which it is written. He was con- ing portion of the work. He seems, even stant throughout his long and troubled life to better than Mr. Garland, to have understood this leading principle. Other men deserted his character as a whole, and thus better able it-others forgot it-others deviated, and to reconcile all those traditional incidents, after a while came back-others were con- which seem to make him the most inconsist verted to it; but amid all fluctuations and ent of all eccentric characters. backslidings, in adversity and prosperity, through all changes of dynasty, alone and in whatever associations

"Among the faithless, faithful only he."

Our author fully understood the peculiar condition of social affairs in Virginia, and how it moulded the character of Randolph. His description of the different circumstances of the settlement of Virginia and the

He stood like a light house, solitary and New England States, (pages 148 to 154,) is alone, on the bleak coast, and amid the dark-worthy of all attention. ness and the storm and the whelming waves, Although, as we have said, he could not with an unrewarded and self-wasting fidelity, compare the whole of Randolph's character he gave out ever the twinkling light that with that of any of his cotemporaries, yet warned the heedless ship of state from the he has very happily illustrated several phases breakers and the lee shore of federalism. of it, by contrasting them with the peculiHe preached State Rights, as if his life had arities of Patrick Henry and Henry Clay, in been consecrated to the ministry of those which he makes the reader fully appreciate doctrines. Whenever he spoke-whenever by his bold contrast, the characters of each. he wrote wherever he went-State Rights, In our author's last parallel, we think he is State Rights, State Rights, were the ex- entitled to greatest credit for originalty. His haustless themes of his discourse. Like sketch of Hamilton and Jefferson was origiXavier, with his bell ringing before him, as nal only in execution. That they were cohe walked through strange cities, addressing temporaneous political antipodes, every body the startled attention of the wayfarers with knew, and every one has studied the character the messages of salvation and denouncing of the one in conjunction with that of the other. the coming wrath, Randolph came among His sketch of Randolph, deserving of commen, the untiring apostle of his creed, ever mendation as it is, is any thing but original. raising his shrill voice against the alarming Nature made his character isolated, and to incroachments of the federal government." have parallelised him with any body else, "Nor was he without his reward. The dis- would have violated nature. Our author is tinctive doctrines of his school, in their fun- the first one, as far as we know, who thought damental and primitive purity, were well- of comparing Clay and Jackson. It seems nigh lost, after the era of the fusion of par-strange at first, that one of our greatest ties in Monroe's, if not, indeed, under the statesmen and orators should be compared 'silken Mansfieldism' of Madison's adminis- with a veteran warrior-but when we recoltration. The old knights and cavaliers of lect that it is the ground plan of the book the South were living, indeed, but were tor- before us to sketch the feelings of the Amerpid; like, as we have somewhere seen it ican people as exhibited in their representaquoted, the knightly horsemen in the en- tive men, it is clear how appropriately this chanted cave, seated on their steeds with parallel was conceived. We always thought lances in rest and warlike port, but rider and of the Author of the American System as a horse spell-bound and senseless as marble, second Hamilton, with none of his training until the magician blew his horn, when, at in the camp, but schooled in the hardships of the first blast they quickened into life, and poverty, endowed with wider human sensi