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giftrates, that levied them and paid them; when the light of nature, the laws of human fociety, covenants and contracts, yea common fhame works in other armies, amongst -the worst of them? Which will undoubtedly pull down the heavy judgment of God among us, who cannot but avenge thefe hypocrifies, violations of truth and holinets; if they be indeed fo as they yet feem. For neither do I fpeak this in reproach to the army, but as jealous of their honour, inciting them to manifeft and publifh with all fpeed, fome better cause of these their late actions, than hath hitherto appeared, and to find out the Achan amongst them, whofe clofe ambition in all likelihood abuses their honeft natures againft their meaning to these diforders; their readieft way to bring in again the common enemy, and with him the deftruction of true religion, and civil liberty. But, because our evils are now grown more dangerous and extreme, than to be remedied by complaints, it concerns us now to find out what remedies may be likelieft to fave us from approaching ruin. Being now in anarchy, without a counfelling and governing power; and the army, I fuppofe, finding themfelves infufficient to discharge at once both military and civil affairs, the first thing to be found out with all speed, without which no commonwealth can fubfift, must be a fenate, or general council of state, in whom must be the power, firft, to preferve the public peace; next, the commerce with foreign nations; and latily, to raite moneys for the management of thefe affairs: this muft either be the parliament readmitted to fit, or a council of ftate allowed of by the army, fince they only now have the power. The terms to be stood on are, liberty of confcience to all profeffing fcripture to be the rule of their faith and worthip; and the abjuration of a fingle perfon. If the parliament be again thought on, to falve honour on both fides, the well affected party of the city, and the congregated churches, may be induced to mediate by public addrettes, and brotherly beleechings; which, if there be that faintfhip among us which is talked of, ought to be of higheft and undeniable perfuafion to reconcilement. If the parliament be thought well diffolved, as not complying fully to grant liberty of confcience, and

the neceffary confequence thereof, the removal of a forced maintenance from minifters, then must the army forthwith choose a council of ftate, whereof as many to be of the parliament, as are undoubtedly affected to thete two conditions propofed. That which I conceive only able to cement, and unite for ever the army, either to the parliament recalled, or this chofen council, muft be a mutual league and oath, private or public, not to defert one another till death: that is to fay, that the army be kept up, and all these officers in their places during life, and fo likewife the parliament, or counsellors of state ; which will be no way unjuft, confidering their known merits on either fide, in council or in field, unless any be found falfe to any of thefe two principles, or otherwite perfonally criminous in the judgment of both parties. If fuch a union as this be not accepted on the army's part, be confident there is a fingle perfon underneath. That the army be upheld, the neceffity of our affairs and factions will constrain long enough perhaps, to content the longeft liver in the army. And whether the civil government be an annual democracy, or a perpetual ariftocracy, is not to me a confideration for the extremities wherein we are, and the hazard of our fafety from our common enemy, gaping at pretent to devour us. That it be not an oligarchy, or the faction of a few, may be eafily prevented by the numbers of their own chooting, who may be found infallibly conftant to thofe two conditions forenamed, full liberty of confcience, and the abjuration of monarchy propofed: and the well-ordered committees of their faithfulleft adherents in every county, may give this government the refemblance and effects of a perfect democracy. As for the reformation of laws, and the places of judicature, whether to be here, as at prefent, or in every county, as hath been long aimed at, and many fuch propofals, tending no doubt to public good, they may be confidered in due time, when we are past thele pernicious pangs, in a hopeful way of health, and firm conftitution. But unless there things, which I have above propofed, one way or other, be once fettled, in my fear, which God avert, we inftantly ruin; or at beft become the fervants of one or other fingle perfon, the fecret author

and

and fomenter of these disturbances. You have the fum of my prefent thoughts, as much I understand of these affairs freely imparted; at your requeft, and the perfuafion you wrought in me, that I might chance hereby to be fome way ferviceable to the Commonwealth, in a time when all ought to be endeavouring what good they can, whether much or but little. With this you may do what you please, put out, put in, communicate or fupprefs: you offend not me, who only have obeyed your opinion, that in doing what I have done, I might happen to offer fomething which might be of fome ufe in this great time of need. However, I have not been wanting to the opportunity which you prefented before me, of fhowing the readiness which I have in the midft of my unfitnefs, to whatever may be required of me, as a public duty.

October 20, 1659.

THE PRESENT MEANS

AND

BRIEF DELINEATION

OF

A FREE COMMONWEALTH,

Eafy to be put in Practice, and without Delay.

IN A LETTER TO GENERAL MONK.

Publifhed from the Manufcript.

IRST, all endeavours fpeedily to be used, that the enfuing election be of fuch as are already firm, or inclinable to conftitute a free commonwealth, (according to the former qualifications decreed in parliament, and not yet repealed, as I hear) without fingle perfon, or houfe of lords. If thefe be not fuch, but the contrary, who forefees not, that our liberties will be utterly loft in this next parliament, without fome powerful courfe taken, of fpeedieft prevention? The speediest way will be to call up forthwith the chief gentlemen out of every county; to lay before them (as your excellency hath already, both in your publifhed letters to the army, and your declaration recited to the members of parliament) the danger and confufion of readmitting kingship in this land; especially againft the rules of all prudence and example, in a family once ejected, and thereby not to be trufted with the power of revenge: that you will not longer delay them with vain expectation, but will put into their hands forthwith the poffeffion of a free commonwealth; if they will firft return immediately and elect them, by fuch at leaft of the people as are rightly qualified, a ftanding council in every city and great town, which may then be dignified with the name of city, continually to confult the good and flourishing ftate of that place, with a competent territory adjoined; to affume the judicial laws, either thofe that are, or fuch as they themfelves

themselves thall new make feverally, in each'commonalty, and all judicatures, all magiftracies, to the adminiftration of all juftice between man, and man, and all the ornaments of public civility, academies, and fuch like, in their own hands. Matters appertaining to men of feveral counties or territories, may be determined, as they are here at London, or in fome more convenient, place, under equal judges.

Next, That in every fuch capital place, they will choose them the ufual number of ableft knights and bur-, gefles, engaged for a commonwealth, to make up the parliament, or (as it will from henceforth be better called)the Grand or General Council of the Nation: whofe office mult be, with due caution, to difpofe of forces, both by fea and land, under the conduct of your excellency, for the prefervation of peace, both at home and abroad; muft raife and manage the public revenue, but with provident inspection of their accompts; muft adminifter all foreign affairs, make all general laws, peace or war, but not without affent of the ftanding council in each city, or fuch other general affembly as may be called on fuch occafion, from the whole territory, where they may, without much trouble, deliberate on all things fully, and fend up their fuffrages within a fet time, by deputies appointed. Though this grand council be perpetual (as in that book I proved would be best and most conformable to beft examples) yet they will then, thus limited, have fo little matter in their hands, or power to endanger our liberty; and the people fo much in theirs, to prevent them, having all judicial laws in their own choice, and free votes in all thofe which concern generally the whole commonwealth, that we fhall have little caule to fear the perpetuity of our general fenate; which will be then nothing else but a firm foundation and cuftody of our public liberty, peace, and union, through the whole commonwealth, and the tranfactors of our affairs with foreign nations.

If this yet be not thought enough, the known expedient may at length be ufed, of a partial rotation.

Laftly, if thefe gentlemen convocated refufe thefe fair and noble offers of iminediate liberty, and happy condi

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