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form, and it is a duty which we cannot honorably neglect or evade.

We must assert the truth we have proved, must defend it when assailed, and encourage it when of feeble growth. "This should be our Foreign policy." Anything else misrepresents us and dishonors us. If necessary, we should maintain this belief with arms. But I do not think any nation is foolish enough to court war with us, and our request will, in nearly every case be tantamount to a command, and when we do command we shall be obeyed.

For no monarchy can afford to go to war with a Republic, demanding the recognition of republic principles since our national success has weakened every throne and strengthened every democratic yearning of the masses, upon whom thrones are built. And though kings and parliaments may order war, it is the people who carry the muskets and pay the taxes, and the people of no monarchy that could engage in war with us would submit to the burdens of a war against their and our cause.

If we are true to ourselves we shall have no wars upon this account. The moral sympathy The moral sympathy of the Government and the material aid of our citizens, united, will give to us peace, and to republicanism all the support it needs.

Believe me very truly your friend,

R. D. MUSSEY,

Major-General.

Mr. Squire then read the following resolutions :

RESOLUTIONS.

Whereas, It was early declared, with a solemnity becoming the enunciation of a great principle, by a President of the United States, whose title to immortality and the gratitude of mankind was secured by its annunciation, that the American Continents, by the free and independent positions which they had assumed and maintained, were thenceforward not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European Power, and that any attempt by European Powers to "extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere would be considered as dangerous to our peace and safety; and Whereas, it

was equally declared that any interposition by any European Power, for the purpose of oppressing the Republics of America, whose independence the United States had, with great consideration and just principles, acknowleged, or for the purpose of, in any way, controling their destinies, would be viewed as the manifestations of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States; and Whereas, in open contempt of the principles thus early laid down, France has interfered to oppress our sister Republic of Mexico and to control its destiny against the choice of its people; and Whereas, Spain has interfered to extend her system over Hayti, and is now interfering to oppress the Republics of Chili and Peru; therefore,

Resolved, That the United States is bound, by her traditions, by every consideration of honor and dignity, by her plighted faith to the Republics of America, for the sake of her safety, peace, prosperity and renown, to vindicate the great principles enunciated by Munroe, in all parts of this continent, and to establish, if necessary, by force of arms, that America belongs to Americans, and is consecrated to republican institutions.

Resolved, That by the promulgation of the "Monroe Doctrine," and its constant indorsement, we have_assumed a responsibility towards our sister republics, and an obligation to defend and protect them which it would be cowardly and dishonorable to neglect or repudiate.

Resolved, That we deplore with heartfelt sorrow the sudden death of that accomplished statesman and noble and eloquent champion of republican freedom and human progress, Hon. Henry Winter Davis, of Maryland, who had engaged to speak to us to-night; and we here reassert the language and sentiments of the resolution carried by him unanimously through the House of Representatives, in the Winter of 1864: "The United States are unwilling by their silence to leave the nations of the world under the impression that they are indifferent spectators of the deplorable events now transpiring in the republic of Mexico," and that they therefore think fit to declare that it does not accord with the policy of the United States to acknowledge any monarchical government erected on the ruins of any republican government in America under the auspices of any European Power."

REMARKS OF MR. TOMLINSON.

Mr. Tomlinson, after alluding briefly to the death of Mr. Davis, traced the progress of Republicanism from the West to the East, and showed in terms of bitterness the conduct of Europe and the continent toward the United States during her recent struggle. I regret, said he, that the grave has taken one who could enlighten you on these matters, but I am glad that the first meeting in the advancement of this great cause is held in this metropolis. History shows us that on all great questions great men are timid. Cabinet ministers and high officials wait till the common people speak, and then are ever glad to ride them. It's the picket who first meets the shock of battle, and it may be a proud hour for you, that you are here in the first of this movement when few distinguished men are present to address you. I want to say a few words on international law. There is no such thing as international law, because there is no arbiter of law. The conscience of the people is the arbiter. Who was it that expressed the international law when the Collossus of the East, Russia, stretched its hand to take the sick man Turkey from his bed? The express messengers were Campbell and Pellissier, and our express messengers to Maximilian will be McClellan, Grant and Sherman. [Applause.] Now we hear that our Secretary of State has gone on a voyage to the South, and probably will say to Maximilian, the thousand things that would not look well on paper, for diplomacy, you know, is not always that which can be put on record. It won't do for us to permit the planting of any monarchy on our shores. There are morarchists enough among us now who despise our institutions, and would gladly hail any attempt to_insti-' tute such a government here. question, I will not discuss its propriety or impulses: In regard to the Fenian the latter are right. But if I could say anything to Great Britain, I should say, beware, beware. If you encourage France to establish a monarchy in Mexico, the green flag of Ireland shall float above the Irish shore. [Applause. A voice-"Oh, nonsinse."]

Mr. Squier then read the following resolutions :

Resolved, That the Republic of Chili, by her dignity, firmness, and courage, as well as by her moderation and the justice of her cause, in her contest with Spain,

provoked by an attack as groundless as mercenary, deserves the respect and sympathy of all free countries, and especially of the United States, with which she is identified by community of institutions and by every consideration of interest, and whose gratitude she merits as a warm and devoted friend of the American Union in the hour of its greatest peril.

Resolved, That we admire the spirit and enterprise of the little navy of Chili, and rejoice in the brilliant success which has crowned its endeavors in its contest with the arrogant flotilla of Spain.

Resolved, That the glorious example of Santo Domingo and the final triumph of the heroism and patience of her sons, should sustain and encourage the American republics in their struggles againt foreign aggression.

REMARKS OF B. VICUÑA MACKENNA.

CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES.-I offer you my sincere thanks for the manner in which you have received the resolutions which have been presented to you in favor of my country. Your kind sympathies, your enthusiastic applause, show that you have comprehended the true position of Chili in her quarrel with Spain. I entertain the hope, therefore, that you will adopt those resolutions, as an act of justice due to a country who knows how to fight for her honor and her liberty. (Applause.)

But permit me to address you, not as a man occupying a public position, of any nature whatever, but as one of the many members of the great community of those who love liberty, republicanism, and democracy.

And in that character, it is right that I should tell you that there, in that far away but noble land, in which I was born, your country is admired and loved, as you admire and love it; that there we learn in our mothers' laps to repeat, with profound reverence, the name of the father of your institutions, the name of George Washington(applause); that there, also, the young mothers of to-day teach their children in the cradle to pronounce and bless the name of the greatest redeemer that ages have seen since our Saviour-the name of Abraham Lincoln, of sacred and glorious memory. (Prolonged applause.)

But at the same time, let me also tell you, that beyond your southern frontiers there exists another America, sister to yours, unknown and forgotten by you, but which, if not so happy or so powerful as your country, is as worthy of your esteem and respect as any civilized nation of the globe whatever.

You well know, gentlemen, that calumny, ignorance, and, more than all, the secret intrigues of European Courts, and of their emissaries, have combined to misrepresent the existence of democracy in South America, and to nourish in her bosom the desolating struggle which is harassing her republics, without exhausting or exposing them to death.

Besides, it is necessary that each race should suffer for its original sins, and work out its own salvation. You had in the robust heart of your country the seed of Africa, and when you considered yourselves most secure in the support of your institutions, of your peace, and your progress, there broke loose upon you such a gigantic rebellion as the world had never seen.

Another such has happened to us. We had in our bosom the seed of Spain-the country of Europe which is nearest to Africa (applause and laughter)—and therefore we have struggled for half a century to exterminate the roots of ignorance, of fanaticism, and of pride, and to build upon their ruins the foundation of a republic. You have never done us that justice of comparison according to history and truth. You were taught by your own nature, by your customs, and by the spirit of liberty and of conscienciousness which your forefathers brought to the Rock of Plymouth, and therefore have been able to establish and extend your powerful republic, your invading and irresistible democracy. But who were our teachers in the difficult science of self-government? They were, gentlemen, those haughty conquerors who only lived to cut one another's throats, whose only delight was in the tumult of battle, and who, instead of giving to all who were born, or to all who came among them, the plough of William Penn, put in their hands the fratricidal sword of the Pizarros and of Hernan Cortes.

But, notwithstanding that recent and bloody struggle of the republics of the South, what does it prove, except their powerful and inextinguishable vitality ?

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