their captains: and promised to give the same to the rest of the armies wheresoever they were.

And now the consuls called the senate together into the temple of Jupiter the Conqueror, while it was still night. But some of those senators concealed themselves in the city, being uncertain what to d›, upon the hearing of this summons; and some of them went out of the city to their own farms, as foreseeing whither the public affairs were tending, ani despairing of liberty: nay these supposed it much better for them to be slaves without danger to themselves, and to live an idle inactive life, than by claiming the dignity of their forefathers, to run the hazard of their own safety. However a hundred and no more were gotten together. And as they were in consultation about the present posture of affairs, a sudden clamor was made by the soldiers that were on their side, desiring that the senate would choose them an emperor, and not bring the government into ruin by setting up a multitude of rulers." So they fully declared themselves to be for giving the government not to all, but to one: but they gave the senate leave to look out for a person worthy to be set over them. Insomuch that now the affairs of the senate were much worse than before; because they had not only failed in the recovery of their liberty, which they boasted themselves of, but were in dread of Claudius also. Yet were there those that hankered after the government, both on account of the dignity of their families, and that accruing to them by their marriages. For Marcus Minucianus was illustrious, both by his own nobility, and by his having married Julia, the sister of Caius: who accordingly was very ready to claim the government. Although the consuls discouraged him, and made one delay after another in proposing it. That Minucianus also, who was one of Caius's murderers, restrained Valerius of Asia from thinking of such things. And a prodigious slaughter there had been, if leave had been given to these men to set up for themselves, and oppose Claudius. There were also a considerable number of Gladiators besides, and of those soldiers who kept watch by night in the city, and rowers of ships, who all ran unto the camp. Insomuch that of those who put in for the government, some left off their pretensions in order to spare the city; and others out of fear for their own persons.

But as soon as it was day, Cherea and those that were with him came into the senate, and attempted to address the soldiers. However, the multitude of those soldiers, when they saw that they were making signals for silence with their hands, and were ready to begin to speak to them, grew tumultuous, and would not let them speak at all, because they were all zealous to be under a monarchy. And they de• Suetonius calls this Julia, Livilla; as Josephus still

manded of the senate one for their ruler, as not enduring any longer delays. But the senate hesitated about either their own governing, or how they should themselves be governed: while the soldiers would not admit them to govern; and the murderers of Caius would not permit the soldiers to dictate to them. When they were in these circumstances, Cherea was not able to contain the anger he had; and promised that if they desired an emperor, he would give them one, if any one would bring him the watch-word from Eutychus. Now this Eutychus was charioteer of the green band faction, stiled Prasine, and a great friend of Caius's, who used to harrass the soldiery with building stables for the horses, and spent his time in ignominious labors. This occasioned Cherea to reproach them with him, and to abuse them with much other scurrilous language; and he told them, he would bring them the head of Claudius. And that it was an amazing thing that after their former madness, they should commit their government to a fool. Yet were not they

moved with his words, but drew their swords, and took up their ensigns, and went to Claudius, to join in taking the oath of fidelity to him. So the senate were left without any body to defend them: and the very consuls differed nothing from private persons. They were also under consternation and sorrow, like men not knowing what would become of them, because Claudius was very angry at them. So they began reproaching one another, and repented of what they had done. At which juncture Sabinus, one of Caius's murderers, threatened that he would sooner comé into the midst of them and kill himself, than consent to make Claudius emperor, and see slavery returning upon them. He also abused Cherea, for loving his life too well: while he, who was the first in his contempt of Caius, could think it a good thing to live, when, even by all that they had done for the recovery of their liberty, they found it impossible to do it. Cherea replied, he had no manner of doubt upon him about killing himself; but he would first sound the intentions of Claudius before he did it.

These were the debates about the senate: but in the camp every body was crowding on all sides to pay their court to Claudius. And the other consul, Quintus Pomponius, was reproached by the soldiery, as having rather exhorted the senate to recover their liberty. Whereupon they drew their swords, and were going to assualt him: and they had done it, if Claudius had not snatched the consul out of the dan ger he was in, and set him by him. He did not however receive that part of the senate which was with Quintus in the like honorable manner: but some of them received blows, and were thrust away as they came to salute Claudius. Nay Aponius went

calls Livia, the daughter of Augustus, Julia. See the note on XVI. 5.

away

away wounded; and they were all in danger. However, king Agrippa went up to Claudius, and desired he would treat the senators more gently: for if any mischief should come to the senate, he would have no others over whom to rule. Claudius complied with him, and called the senate together into the palace; and was carried thither himself, through the city; while the soldiery conducted him: though this was to the great vexation of the multitude. For Cherea and Sabinus, two of Caius's murderers, went in the forefront of them, in an open manner: when Pollio, whom Claudius a little before had made captain of his guards, had sent them an epistolary edict, to forbid them to appear in public. Then did Claudius, upon his coming to the palace, get his friends together; and desired their suffrages about Cherea. They said, that the work he had done was a glorious one: but they accused him that did it of perfidiousness, and thought it just to inflict the punishment of death upon him, to discountenance such actions for the time to come. So Cherea was led to execution; and Lupus, and many other Romans with him. Now it is reported that Cherea bore this calamity courageously and this, not only by the firmness of his own behavior under it, but by the reproaches he laid upon Lupus, who fell into tears. For when Lupus laid his garment aside, and complained of the cold, he said, that cold was never hurtful to + Lupus. And as a great many men went along with them to see the sight, when Cherea came to the place, he asked the soldier, who was to be their executioner, whether this office were what he was used to? or whether this were the first time of his using his sword in that manner ? and desired him to bring him that very sword, with which he himself slew Caius.

*This piercing cold, here complained of by Lupus, agrees well with the time of the year when Claudius began his reign. It being for certain about the month of November, December, or January; and most probably a few days after Jan. 24. and a few days before the Roman Parentalia.

+ To a wolf.

It is both here and elsewhere very remarkable, that the murderers of the vilest tyrants, who yet highly deserved to die, when those murderers were under oaths, or other obligations of fidelity to them, were usually revenged; and the murderers were cut off themselves; and that after a remarkable manner: and this sometimes, as in the present case, by those very persons who were not sorry for such murders, but got kingdoms by them. The examples are very numerous both in sacred and profane histories; and seem generally indications of divine vengeance on such murderers. Nor is it unworthy of remark, that such murderers of tyrants do it usually on such ill principles; in such a cruel manner; and as ready to involve the innocent with the guilty which was the case here, Chap. 1. and 2. as justly deserved the divine vengeance upon them. Which seems to have been the case of Jehu also, when, besides the house of Ahab, for whose

So he was happily killed at one stroke. But Lupus did not meet with such good fortune in going out of the world: since he was timorous, and had many blows levelled at his neck, because he did not stretch it out boldly, as he ought to have done.

A few days after this, as the parental solemnities were just at hand, the Roman multitude made their usual oblations to their several ghosts: and put portions into the fire, in honor of Cherea; and besought him to be merciful to them, and not continue his anger against them for their ingratitude. And this was the end of the life that Cherea came to. But for Sabinus, although Claudius not only set him at liberty, but gave him leave to retain his former command in the army; yet did he think it would be unjust in him to fail of performing his obligations to, his fellow confederates: so he fell upon his sword, and killed himself; the wound reaching up to the very hilt of his sword. I

Slaughter he had a commission from God; without any Such commission, and without any justice or commiseration, he killed Ahab's great men, and acquaintance, and priests, and forty-two of the kindred of Ahaziah, 2 Kings X. 11, 13, 14. See Hos. i. 4. I do not mean here to condema Ehud, or Judith, or the like executioners of God's vengeance on those wicked tyrants, who had unjustly oppressed God's own people, under their theocracy. Who, as they appear still to have had no selfish designs, nor intentions to slay the innocent, so had they still a divine commission or impulse, for what they did. Judg. iii. 15. 19, 20. Judith ix. 2. Test. Levi, § 5. in Authent. Rec. pag. 312. See also page 432.

Here St. Luke is in some measure confirmed, when he informs us, Chap. iii. 1. that Lysanias was some time before tetrarch of Abilene, whose capital was Abila. As is farther confirmed by Ptolemy, the great geographer, which Spanheim here observes, when he calls that city Abila of Lysanias. See the note on XVII. 11. and Prid. at the years 36. and 22. I esteem this principality to have belonged to the land of Canaan originally; to have been the burying place of Abel; and referred to as such, Matt. xxiii. 35. Luke xi. 5. See Authent. Rec. Pt. II. pag. 883. -885.

at mount Libanus, he bestowed them upon him, as out of his own territories. He also made a league with this Agrippa, confirmed by oaths, in the middle of the forum, in the city of Rome. He then took away from Antiochus that kingdom which he was possessed of; but gave him a certain part of Cilicia, and Commagene. He also set Alexander Lysimachus the alabarch at liberty, who had been his old friend, and steward to his mother Antonia: but had been imprisoned by Caius. Whose son, Marcus married Bernice, the daughter of Agrippa. But when Marcus, Alexander's son, was dead, who had married her when she was a virgin, Agrippa gave her in marriage to his brother Herod; and begged for him of Claudius the kingdom of Chalcis.

About this time there was a sedition between the Jews and the Greeks, at the city of Alexandria. For when Caius was dead, the nation of the Jews, which had been very much mortified, under his reign, and reduced to very great distresses by the people of Alexandria, recovered itself: and immediately took up their arms to fight for themselves. So Claudius sent an order to the president of Egypt to quiet that tumult. He also sent an edict, at the requests of king Agrippa and king Herod, both to Alexandria and to Syria; whose contents were as follow: "Tiberius Claudius Cæsar, Augustus, Germanicus, high priest, and tribune of the people, ordains thus; Since I am assured that the Jews of Alexandria called Alexandrians, have been joint inhabitants in the earliest times with the Alexandrians; and have obtained from their kings equal privileges with them: as is evident by the public records that are in their possession, and the edicts themselves: and that after Alexandria had been subjected to our empire by Augustus, their rights and privileges have been preserved by those presidents who have at different times been sent thither; and that no dispute had been raised about those rights and privileges, even when Aquila was governor of Alexandria; and that when the Jewish ethnarch was dead, Augustus did not prohibit the making of such ethnarchs: as willing that all men should be so subject to the Romans as to continue in the observance of their own customs, and not be forced to transgress the ancient rules of their own religion: but that in the time of Caius the Alexandrians became insolent towards the Jews that were among them which Caius, out of his great madness, and want of understanding, reduced the nation of the Jews very low; because they would not transgress the religious worship of their country, and call him a god. I will therefore that the nation of the Jews be not deprived of their rights and privi

* A. D. 42.

This form was so known and frequent among the Romans, as Dr. Hudson here tells us, from the great Selden, that it used to be thus represented at the bottom of their VOL. 11. NO. XXXVIII.

leges, on account of the madness of Caius; but that those rights and privileges which they formerly enjoyed be preserved to them; and that they may continue in their own customs. And I charge botli parties to take very great care that no troubles may arise after the promulgation of this edict."

Such were the contents of this edict on behalf of the Jews that was sent to Alexandria. But the edict that was sent into the other parts of the habitable earth was this which follows: "Tiberius Claudius Cæsar, Augustus, Germanicus, high-priest, tribune of the people, chosen consul✶ the second time, ordains thus. Upon the petition of king Agrippa and king Herod, who are persons very dear to me, that I would grant the same rights and privileges should be preserved to the Jews which are in all the Roman empire, which I have granted to those at Alexandria, I very willingly comply therewith: and this grant I make not only for the sake of the petitioners, but as judging those Jews for whom I have been petitioned worthy of such a favor, on account of their fidelity and friendship to the Romans. I think it also very just that no Grecian city should be deprived of such rights and privileges: since they were preserved to them under the great Augustus. It will therefore be fit to permit the Jews who are in all the world. under us, to keep their ancient customs, without being hindered from doing so. And I do now charge them also to use this my kindness to them with moderation and not to shew a contempt of the superstitious observances of other nations, but to keep their own laws only. And I will that this decree of mine be engraven on tables by the magistrates of the cities, and colonies, and municipal places, both those within Italy, and those without it, both kings and governors, by the means of their ambassadors; and to have them exposed to the public for full thirty days. in such a place, whence it may plainly be read from the ground."

very kindly. Accordingly he returned in haste, and came to Jerusalem; where he offered all the sacrifices that belonged to him, and omitted nothing which the law required. On which account he or dained that many of the Nazarites should have their heads shorn. And for the golden chain which had been + given him by Caius; of equal weight with that iron chain wherewith his royal hands had been bound; he hung it up within the limits of the temple, over the treasury: that it might be a memorial of the severe fate he had lain under, and a testimony of his change for the better: that it might be a demonstration how the greatest prosperity may have a fall; and that God sometimes raises up what is fallen down. For this chain thus dedicated afforded a document to all men, that king Agrippa had been once bound in a chain for a small cause, but recovered his former dignity again: and a little while afterward got out of his bonds, and was advanced to be a more illustrious king than he was before. Whence men may understand that all that partake of human nature, how great soever they are, may fall and that those that fall may regain their former illustrious dignity again.

When Agrippa had entirely finished all the duties. of the divine worship, he removed Theophilus, the son of Ananus, from the high-priesthood, and bestowed that honor on Simon, the son of Boethus, whose name was also Cantheras: whose daughter king Herod had married, § as I have already related. Simon therefore had the high-priesthood, with his brethren, and with his father; in like manner as the three sons of Simon, the son of Onias, had it formerly under the government of the Macedonians: as we have related in a former book.

When the king had settled the high-priesthood after this manner, he returned the kindness which the inhabitants of Jerusalem had shewn him. For he released them from the tax upon houses, every one of which paid it before: thinking it a good thing to requite the tender affection of those that loved him. He also made Silas the general of his forces; as a man who had partaken with him in many of his troubles. But after a very little while the young men of Doris, preferring a rash attempt before piety, and being naturally bold and insolent, carried a starue of Cæsar's into a synagogue of the Jews, and erected it there. This procedure of theirs greatly provoked Agrippa. For it plainly tended to the

Josephus shews both here, and Chap. 7. that he had a much greater opinion of king Agrippa I. than Simon the learned Rabbi ; than the people of Cæsarea, and Sebaste chap. 7. and indeed than his double dealing between the senate and Claudius, chap. 4. than his slaughter of James the brother of John, aud his imprisonment of Peter, or his vain-glorious behavior before he died, both in Acts. xii. 1, 2, 3. and here XIX. 4. will justify or allow. Jose

dissolution of the laws of his country. So he came without delay to Publius Petronius, who was then president of Syria, and accused the people of Doris. Nor did he less resent what was done than did Agrippa. For he judged it a piece of impiety to transgress the laws that regulate the actions of men. So he wrote the following letter to the people of Doris, in an angry strain:

"Publius Petronius, the president, under Tiberius Claudius Cæsar, Augustus, Germanicus; to the magistrates of Doris, ordains as follows: Since some of you have had the boldness, or madness rather, after the edict of Claudius Cæsar was published, for permitting the Jews to observe the laws of their country, not to obey the same; but have acted in entire opposition thereto; as forbidding the Jews to assemble together in their synagogue, by removing Cæsar's statue, and setting it up therein; and thereby have offended not only the Jews, but the emperor himself; whose statue is more commodiously placed in his own temple, than in a foreign one; where is the place of assembling together: while it is but a part of natural justice, that every one should have the power over the places belonging peculiarly to them. selves, according to the determination of Cæsar. To say nothing of my own determination; which it would be ridiculous to mention after the emperor's edict which gives the Jews leave to make use of their own customs: as also gives order that they enjoy equally the rights of citizens with the Greeks themselves. I therefore ordain, that Proculus Vitellius, the centurion, bring those men to me, who contrary to Augustus's edict, have been so insolent, as to do this thing: at which those very men who appear to be of principal reputation among them have an indignation also; and alledge for themselves that it was not done with their consent, but by the violence of the multitude; that they may give an account of what hath been done. I also exhort the principal magistrates among them, unless they have a mind to have this wicked action esteemed to be done with their consent, to inform the centurion of those that were guilty of it; and take care that no handle be hence taken for raising a sedition, or quarrel among them: which those seem to me to seek after, who encourage such doings. While both I myself, and king Agrippa, for whom I have the highest honor, have nothing more under our care, than that the nation of the Jews may have no

occasion given them of getting together under the pretence of avenging themselves, and become tumultuous. And that it may be the more publicly known what Cæsar hath resolved about this whole matter, I have subjoined those edicts which he hath lately. caused to be published at Alexandria: and which, although they may be well known to all, yet did king Agrippa, for whom I have the highest honor, read them at that time before my tribunal, and pleaded that the Jews ought not to be deprived of those rights which Augustus hath granted them. I therefore charge you, that you do not, for the time to come, seek for any occasion of sedition or disturb ance; but that every one be allowed to follow their own religious customs."

Thus did Petronius take care of this matter: that such a breach of the law might be corrected; and that no such thing might be attempted afterwards against the Jews. And now king Agrippa took the highpriest-hood away from Simon Cantheras, and put Jonathan, the son of Ananus, into it again; and owned that he was more worthy of that dignity than the other. But this was not a thing acceptable to him, to recover his former dignity. So he refused it, and said, "O king, I rejoice in the honor thou hast for me; and take it kindly that thou wouldest give me such a dignity of thine own inclinations: although God hath judged that I am not at all worthy of the high-priesthood. I am satisfied with having once put on the sacred garments. For I then put them on after a more holy manner, than I should now receive them again. But if thou desirest that a person more worthy than myself should have this honorable employment, give me leave to name thee such an one. I have a brother, that is pure from all sin against God, and of all offences against thyself. I recommend him to thee, as one that is fit for this dignity." So the king was pleased with these words of his; and passed by Jonathan; and according to his brother's desire, bestowed the high-priesthood upon Matthias. Nor was it long before Marcus succeeded Petronius as president of Syria.

firmness of the friendship he had shewn to him. Accordingly, he would no where let the king sit as his superior; and took the like liberty in speaking to him upon all occasions: till he became troublesome to the king when they were merry together; extolling himself beyond measure, and often putting the king in mind of the severity of fortune he had undergone; that he might, by way of ostentation, demonstrate what zeal he had shewn in his service; and was continually harping upon this string, what pains he had taken for him; and much enlarged still upon that subject. The repetition of this so frequently seemed to reproach the king: insomuch that he took this ungovernable liberty of talking very ill at his hands. For the commemoration of times when men have been under ignominy, is by no means agreeable to them: and he is a very silly man who is perpetually relating to a person what kindnesses he had done him. At last, therefore, Silas had so thoroughly provoked the king's indignation, that he acted rather out of passion than good consideration; and did not only turn Silas out of his place, as general of his horse, but sent him in bonds into his own country. But the edge of his anger wore off by length of time, and made room for more just reasonings as to his judgment about this man; and he considered how many labors he had undergone for his sake. So when Agrippa was solemnizing his birth-day, and he gave festival entertainments to all his subjects, he sent for Silas on the sudden to be his guest. But as he was a very frank man, he thought he had now a just handle given him to be angry; which he could not conceal from those that came for him; but said to them, "What honor is this the king invites me to; which I conclude will soon be over? For the king hath not let me keep those original marks of the good will which I once had from him; but he hath plundered me, and that unjustly. Does he think that I can leave off that liberty of speech, which, upon the consciousness of my deserts, I shall use more loudly than before: and shall relate how many misfortunes I have delivered him from; how many labors I have undergone for him; whereby I procured him deliverance and respect; as a reward for which I have borne the hardships of bonds, and a dark prison? I shall never forget this usage: nay perhaps my very soul, when it is departed out of the body, will not forget the glorious actions I did on his account. This was the clamor he made; and he ordered the messengers to tell it to the king. So he perceived that Silas was incurable in his folly, and still suffered him to lie in prison.

As for the walls of Jerusalem, that were adjoining to the new city, he repaired them at the expence of the public, and built them wider in breadth and higher in altitude. And he has made them too strong for all human power to demolish, unless

Marcus,