Marcus, then president of Syria, had by letters informed Claudius Cæsar of what he was doing. And when Claudius had some suspicion of attempts for innovation, he sent to Agrippa to leave off the building of those walls presently so he obeyed, as not thinking it proper to contradict Claudius.

Now this king was by nature very beneficent, and liberal in his gifts, and very ambitious to oblige people with large donations; and he made himself very illustrious by the many chargeable presen's he made them he took delight in giving, and rejoiced in living with good reputation. He was not at all like that Herod who reigned before him. For that Herod was ill-natured, and severe in his punishments, and had no mercy on them that he hated; and every one perceived that he was more friendly to the Greeks than to the Jews: for he adorned foreign cities with large presents in money, with building them baths and theatres besides; nay, in some of those places be erected temples, and porticoes in others; but he did not vouchsafe to raise one of the least edifices in any Jewish city, or make them any donation that was worth mentioning. But Agrippa's temper was mild, and equally liberal to all men. He was humane to foreigners, and made them sensible of his liberality: he was in like manner rather of a gentle and compassionate temper. Accordingly he loved to live continually at Jerusalem; and was exactly careful in the observance of the laws of his country. He therefore kept himself entirely pure; nor did any day pass over his head without its appointed sacrifice.

However, there was a certain man, named Simon, of the Jewish nation, at Jerusalem, who appeared to be very accurate in the knowledge of the law. This man got together an assembly, while the king. was absent at Cæsarea, and had the insolence to accuse him as not living holily; and that he might justly be excluded out of the temple, since it belonged only to native Jews. But the general of Agrippa's army informed him, that Simon had made such a speech to the people. So the king sent for him; and as he was then sitting in the theatre, he bade him sit down by him; and said to him with a low and gentle voice, "What is there done in this place that is contrary to the law?" But he had no. thing to say for himself, but begged his pardon. So the king was more easily reconciled to him than one could have imagined; as esteeming mildness a better quality in a king than anger, and knowing

A strange number of condemned criminals to be un der the sentence of death at once, no fewer, it seems, than

1400.

+ Of these five kings, Antiochus, king of Commagena, is mentioned by Josephus elsewhere, in his war of the Jews, II. 18. Sampsigeramus, king of Emesa, by him in his Antiquities, XVIII. 5. and by Strabo, XVI. pag. 753.

that moderation is more becoming in great men than passion. So he made Simon a small present, and dismissed him.

Now as Agrippa was a great builder in many places, he paid a peculiar regard to the people of Berytus. For he erected a theatre for them, superior to many other of that sort, both in sumptuousness and elegance; as also an amphitheatre, built at vast expence and besides these, he built them baths and porticoes; and spared for no costs in any of his edifices, to render them both handsome and large. He also spent a great deal upon their dedication, and exhibited shows upon them; and brought thither musicians of all sorts, and such as made the most delightful music, of the greatest variety. He also shewed his magnificence upon the theatre, in his great number of gladiators: and there it was that he exhibited the several antagonists, in order to please the spectators: no fewer indeed than seven hun. dred men to fight with seven hundred other men; and allotted all the malefactors he had for this exercise: that both the malefactors might receive their punishment, and that this operation of war might be a recreation in peace. And thus were these criminals all destroyed at once.

CHAP. VIII.

Of the actions and death of Agrippa. WHEN Agrippa had finished what I have above

related at Berytus, he removed to Tiberias, a city of Galilee. Now he was in great esteem among other kings. Accordingly there came to him + Antiochus, king of Commagena; Sampsigeramus, king of Emesa; Cotys, who was king of the Lesser Armenia; and Polemo, who was king of Pontus: as also Herod his brother, who was king of Chalcis. All these he treated with agreeable entertainments, and after an obliging manner; and so as to exhibit the greatness of his mind, and to appear worthy of those respects which the kings paid to him, by coming thus to see him. However, while these kings staid with him, Marcus, the president of Syria, came thither. So the king, in order to preserve the respect that was due to the Romans, went out of the city to meet him, as far as seven furlongs. But this proved to be the beginning of a difference between him and Marcus: for he took with him in his cha

riot, those other kings, as his assessors. But Marcus had a suspicion what the meaning could be of so great a friendship of these kings one with another, and did not think so close an agreement of so many potentates to be for the interest of the Romans: he therefore sent some of his domestics to every one of them, and enjoined them to go their ways home, without farther delay. This was very ill taken by Agrippa; who, after that, became his enemy. And now he took the high-priesthood away from Matthias, and made Elioneus, the son of Cantheras, high-priest in his stead.

Now when Agrippa had reigned three years over all Judea, he came to the city Cæsarea, which was formerly called Strato's tower; and there he exhibited shows in honor of Cæsar, upon his being informed that there was a certain festival celebrated to make vows for his safety. At which festival a great multitude was gotten together of the principal persons, and such as were of dignity through his province. On the second † day of these shows, he put on a garment made wholly of silver, and of a contexture truly wonderful, and came into the theatre early in the morning: at which time the silver of his garment being illuminated by the first reflection of the sun's rays upon it, shone out after a surprising manner; and was so resplendent as to spread a sort of dread over those that looked intently upon him. And presently his flatterers cried out, one from one place and another from another, that he was a god. And they added, "Be thou merciful to us: for although we have hitherto reverenced thee only as a man, yet shall we henceforth own thee as superior to mortal nature." Upon this the king did neither rebuke them, nor reject their impious flattery; but as he presently afterwards looked up, he ‡ saw an owl sitting on a certain rope over his head; and im

* A. D. 43.

† Acts xii. 21, 22, 23.

We have a mighty cry made here by some critics, as if the great Eusebius had, on purpose, falsified this account of Josephus's; so as to make it agree with the parallel account of the Acts of the Apostles. Because the present copies of his citation of it, Hist. Eccles. II. 10. omit the words Beläva izi xoivíe Tn, i. e. an owl-on a certain rope; which Josephus's present copies retain, and only have the explicatory word, ayyɛhov, or angel; as if he meant that angel of the Lord which St. Luke mentions as smiting Herod; Acts xii. 23. and not that owl which Josephus called an angel or messenger, formerly of good, but now of bad news, to Agrippa. This accusation is a somewhat strange one in the case of the great Eusebius; who is known to have so accurately and faithfully produced a vast number of other ancient records, and particularly not a few out of our Josephus also, without any suspicion of prevarication. Now not to alledge how uncertain we are, whether Josephus's and Eusebius's copies of the fourth century were just like the present in this

VOL. NO. XXXVIII.

mediately understood that this bird was the messenger of ill tidings, as it had once been the messenger of good tidings to him: and fell into the deeper sorrow a severe pain also arose in his belly and began in a most violent manner. He therefore looked upon his friends, and said, "I, whom you call a god, am commanded presently to depart this life; while providence thus reproves the lying words you just now said to me. And I who was by you called immortal, am immediately to be hurried away by death. But I am bound to accept of what providence allots, as it pleases God; for we have by no means lived ill; but in a splendid and happy manner." When he said this, his pain was become violent. Accordingly he was carried into the palace; and the rumour went about every where, that he would certainly die in a little time. But the multitude presently sat in sackcloth, with their wives and children, after the law of their country, and besought God for the king's recovery. All places were also full of mourning and lamentation. Now the king rested in a high chamber; and as he saw them below lying prostrate on the ground, he could not himself forbear weeping. And when he had been quite worn out by the pain in his belly for five days, he departed this life: being in the fifty-fourth year of his age, and in the seventh year of his reign. For he reigned four years under Caius Cæsar: three of them were over Philip's tetrarchy only; and on the fourth he had that of Herod added to it. And he reigned besides those, three years under the reign of Claudius Cæsar. In which time he reigned over the aforementioned countries, and also had Judea added to them, as well as Samaria and Cæsarea. The revenues that he received out of them were very great; no less than twelve millions of drachmæ. Yet did he borrow great sums from others: for he

clause, which we have no distinct evidence of; the following words, preserved still in Eusebius, will not admit of any such opposition. This [bird], says Eusebius, Agrippa presently perceived to be the cause of ill fortune, as it was once of good fortune to him. Which can only belong to that bird the owl; which as it had formerly foreboded his happy deliverance from imprisonment, Antiq. XVIII. 6. so was it then foretold to prove afterward the unhappy forerunner of his death, in five days time. If the improper word aitiov, or cause, be changed for Josephus's proper word ayyehov, angel or messenger; and the foregoing words βεβῶνα ἐπὶ χοινία τιν@ be inserted. Eusebius's text will truly represent that in Josephus. Had this imperfection been in some heathen author that was in good esteem with our modern critics, they would have readily corrected these, as barely errors in the copies: but being in an ancient Christian writer, not so well relished by many of those critics, nothing will serve but the illgrounded supposal of wilful corruption and prevarication. § A. D. 44.

This sum of 12,000,000 drachmæ, which is equal to began

was so very liberal, that his expences exceeded his income, and his generosity was boundless.*

But before the multitude were made acquainted with Agrippa's being expired, Herod, the king of Chalcis, and Helcias, the master of his horse, and the king's friend, sent Aristo, one of the king's most faithful servants, and slew Silas, who had been their enemy, as if it had been done by the king's own command.

CHAP. IX.

Of the affairs of the Jews after the death of Agrippa; and the appointment of Cuspius Fadus to be procurator of Judea.

AGRIPPA left behind him a son, Agrippa by

name, a youth in the seventeenth year of his age; and three daughters; one of which Bernice, was married to Herod, his father's brother, and was sixteen years old. The other two, Mariamne and Drusilla, were still virgins: the former was ten years old, and Drusilla six. Now these daughters were thus espoused by their father: Mariamne to Julius Archelaus Epiphanes, the son of Antiochus, the son of Chelcias; and Drusilla to the king of Commagena. But when it was known that Agrippa was departed this life, the inhabitants of Cæsarea and of Sebaste forgot the kindnesses he had bestowed on them, and acted the parts of the bitterest enemies : for they cast such reproaches upon the deceased as are not fit to be spoken of. And so many of them as were then soldiers, which were very numerous, went to his house, and hastily carried off the + statues of this king's daughters into the brothel-houses; and when they had set them on the tops of those houses, they abused them to the utmost of their power. They also laid themselves down in public places, and celebrated general feasting, with gar. lands on their heads, and with ointments, and libations to Charon; and drinking to one another, for joy that the king was expired. Nay, they were not only unmindful of Agrippa, who had extended his

3,000,000 shekels, i. e. at 2s. 10d. a shekel, equal to 425,000l. sterling, was Agrippa the Great's yearly income, or about three quarters of his grandfather Herod's income. He having abated the tax upon houses at Jerusalem, chap. 6. and was not so tyrannical as he had been to the Jews. See the note on XVII. 11. A large sum this! but not, it seems, sufficient for his extravagant expences.

* Reland takes notice here, not improperly, that Josephus omits the reconciliation of this Herod Agrippa to

liberality to them in abundance, but of his grandfather Herod also; who had himself rebuilt their cities, and had raised them havens and temples at vast expences.

Now Agrippa, the son of the deceased, was at Rome, and brought up with Claudius Cæsar. And when Cæsar was informed that Agrippa was dead, and that the inhabitants of Sebaste and Cæsarea had abused him, he was sorry for the first news, and was displeased at the ingratitude of those cities. He was therefore disposed to send Agrippa junior away presently, to succeed his father in the kingdom: and was willing to confirm it by his oath. But those authority with him, dissuaded him from it, and said, freed-men and friends of his who had the greatest that it was a dangerous experiment to permit so large. a kingdom to come under the government of very young a man, and one hardly yet arrived at years of discretion, who would not be able to take sufficient care of its administration. So Cæsar thought what they said to be reasonable. Accordingly he sent Cuspius Fadus to be procurator of Judea, and of the entire kingdom; and paid that respect to the deceased, as not to introduce Marcus, who had been at variance with him, into his kingdom. But he determined in the first place to send orders to Fadus, that he should chastise the inhabitants of Cæsarea and Sebaste, for those abuses they had offered to him that was deceased, and their madness towards his daughters that were still alive; and that he should remove that body of soldiers that were at Cæsarea and Sebaste, with the five regiments, into Pontus, that they might do their military duty there; and that he should choose an equal number of soldiers out of the Roman legions that were in Syria, to supply their place. Yet were not those that had such orders actually removed: for by sending ambassadors to Claudius, they mollified him, and got leave to abide in Judea still. And these were the very men that became the source of great calamities to the Jews in after times, and sowed the seeds of that war which began under Florus. Whence it was, that when Vespasian had subdued the country, he removed them out of his province.

the Tyrians and Sidonians, by the means of Blastus the king's chamberlain, mentioned Acts xii. 20. Nor is there. any history in the world so complete, as to omit nothing that other historians take notice of, unless the one be taken out of the other, and accommodated to it.

↑ Photius, who made an extract out of this chapter, says they were not the statues or images, but the ladies themselves, which were thus basely abused by the soldiers. Cod. CCXXXVIII.

BOOK

CHAP. I.

Of a sedition of the Philadelphians against the Jews; and of the vestments of the Highpriest.

UPON the death of king Agrippa, which we

have related in the foregoing Book, Claudius Cæsar sent Cassius Longinus as successor to Marcus, out of regard to the memory of king Agrippa; who had often desired of him by letters, while he was alive, that he would not suffer Marcus to be any longer president of Syria. But Fadus, as soon as he was come procurator into Judea, found quarrelsome doings between the Jews that dwelt in Perca, and the people of Philadelphia, about their borders at a village called Mia, that was filled with men of a warlike temper: for the Jews of Perea had taken up arms without the consent of their principal men, and had destroyed many of the Philadelphians. When Fadus was informed of this procedure, it provoked him very much, that they had not left the determination of the matter to him, if they thought that the Philadelphians had done them any wrong; but had rashly taken up arms against them. So he seized upon three of their principal men, who were also the causes of this sedition, and ordered them to be bound; and afterward had one of them slain, whose name was Hannibal; and he banished the other two, Amram and Eleazar. Tholomy also, a noted robber, was, after some time, brought to him bound, and slain; but not till he had done much mischief to Idumea and the Arabians; and indeed from that time Judea was cleared of robberies, by the care and providence of Fadus. He also at this time sent for the high-priests, and the principal citizens of Jerusalem, and this at the command of the emperor; and admonished them, that they should lay up the long garment, and the sacred vestment, which it is customary for nobody but the high-priest to wear, in the tower of Antonia; that it might be under the power of the Romans, as it had been formerly. Now the Jews durst not contradict what he said; but they desired Fadus, and

* Book XIX. chap. 9.

Longinus (which last was come to Jerusalem, and had brought a great army with him, out of a fear that the rigid injunctions of Fadus should force the Jews to rebel), that they might, in the first place, have leave to send ambassadors to Cæsar; to petition him that the holy vestments might remain under their own power; and that, in the next place, they would tarry till they knew what answer Claudius would give to that request. So they replied, that they would give them leave to send their ambassadors, provided they would give them their sons as pledges for their peaceable behavior. And when they had agreed so to do, and had given them the pledges they desired, the ambassadors were sent accordingly. But when, upon their coming to Rome, Agrippa junior, the son of the deceased, understood the reason why they came (for he dwelt with Claudius Cæsar, as we said before), he besought Cæsar to grant the Jews their request, and to send a message to Fadus accordingly.

*

Hereupon Claudius called for the ambassadors, and told them, that he granted their request; and bade thein return their thanks to Agrippa for this favor, which had been bestowed on them upon his intreaty and besides these answers, he sent the following letter by them:

"Claudius Cæsar, Germanicus, tribune of the people the fifth time, designed consul the fourth time, and imperator the tenth time, the father of his country; to the magistrates, senate, and people, and whole nation of the Jews, sendeth greeting. Upon the presentation of your ambassadors to me by my friend Agrippa, whom I have brought up, and have now with me, and who is a person of very great piety; who are come to give me thanks for the care I have taken of your nation, and to intreat me, in an earnest and obliging manner, that they may have the holy vestments, with the crown belonging to them, under their power; I grant their request; as that excellent person Vitellius, who is very dear to me, had done before. And I have complied with your desire, in the first place out of regard to that piety which I profess, and because I would have every one worship God according to the laws of their own country. And this I do also, because I

shall

shall hereby highly gratify king Herod and Agrippa junior, whose sacred regards to me, and earnest good will to you, I am well acquainted with; and with whom I have the greatest friendship, and whom I highly esteem, and look on as persons of the best character. Now I have written about these affairs to Cuspius Fadus my procurator. The names of those that brought me your letter are, Cornelius, the son of Cero; Trypho, the son of Theudio; Dorotheus, the son of Nathaniel; and John, the son of John. This letter is dated before the fourth of the calends of July, when Rufus and Pompeius Sylvanus are consuls."

Herod also, the brother of the deceased Agrippa, who was then possessed of the royal authority over Chalcis, petitioned Claudius Cæsar for the authority over the temple, and the money of the sacred treasure, and the choice of the high-priests; and ob tained all that he petitioned for. So that after that time, this authority continued * among his descendants till the end of the war. Accordingly Herod removed the last high priest, called Cantheras, and bestowed that dignity on his successor Joseph, the son of Camus.

CHAP. II.

Of the conversion of Helena, queen of Adiabene, and her son Izates, to the Jewish religion; and of Helena's benevolence to the poor, when there was a great famine at Jerusalem.

ABOUT this time + Helena, queen of Adiabene,

and her son Izates, changed their course of life, and embraced the Jewish customs; and this on the following occasion: Monobazus, king of Adiabene, who had also the name of Bazeus, fell in love with his sister Helena, and took her to be his wife; and as he was in bed with her one night, he fell asleep, and seemed to hear a voice, which told him, that the infant with which she was pregnant should, by God's providence, he safely born, and have a happy end. This voice put him into disorder: so he awaked immediately, and told the story to his wife:

Here is some error in the copies, or mistake in Josephus. For the power of appointing high-priests, after Herod king of Chalcis was dead, and Agrippa, jun. was made king of Chalcis in his room, belonging to him; and he exercised the same all along till Jerusalem was destroyed, as Josephus elsewhere informs us, chap. 8.

+ Concerning Monobazus and Helena, and their son Izates, and the contents of this and the two next chap ters, see Moses Chorenensis, pag. 132-141, and Authentic Records. Pt. II. pag. 954-961. and pag. 1083---1123. Only this I shall now add, that Orosius confirms my determination, that Helena, queen of Adiabene, was not converted to the Jewish, but to the Christian religion; and

and when his son was born, he called him Izates. He had indeed Monobazus his elder son by Helena also, as he had other sons by other wives: yet did he openly place all his affections on this his

only begotten son Izates: which was the origin of that envy which his other brethren, by the same father, bore to him; while on this account they hated him more and more, and were all under great affliction that their father should prefer Izates before them. Now although their father were very sensible of their passions, yet did he forgive them: as not indulging those passions out of an ill disposition, but out of a desire each of them had to be beloved by their father. by their father. However, he sent Izates, with many presents, to Abennerig, the king of CharaxSpasini, and that out of the great dread he was in about them, lest he should come to some misfortune by the hatred his brethren bore him; and he committed his son's preservation to him. Upon which Abennerig gladly received the young man, and had a great affection for him, and married him to his own daughter, whose name was Samacha. He also bestowed a country upon him, from which he received large revenues.

But when Monobazus was grown old, and saw that he had but a little time to live, he had a mind to come to the sight of his son before he died. So he sent for him, and embraced him after the most affectionate manner, and bestowed on him the country called Carræ. It was a soil that bare amomum in great plenty there are also in it the remains of that ark, wherein it is related that Noah escaped the deluge; and where they are still shewn to such as are desirous to see them. Accordingly Izates abode in that country until his father's death. But the very day that Monobazus died, queen Helena sent for all the grandees and governors of the kingdom, and for those that had the armies committed to their command: and when they were come, she made the following speech to them: "I believe you are not unacquainted that my husband was desirous Izates should succeed him in the government; and thought him worthy so to do. However, I wait your determination. For happy is he who receives a kingdom, not from a single person only, but from

thence sent supplies to the Christians in Judea, during the famine under Claudius Cæsar, L. VII. c. 6. The Talmud also has a full account of this Helena and Monobazus; and of their great favors to the Jews; as Hudson and Reland observe upon these chapters.

Josephus here uses the word μovoyɛvñ an only be gotten son, for no other than one best beloved; as do both the Old and New Testament; I mean where there were one or more sons besides. Gen. xxii. 2. Heb. xi. 17.

§ It is here very remarkable, that the remains of Noah's ark were believed to be still in being, in the days of Josephus. See the note on I. 3.