8. The sentence in brackets was struck out, the phrase "all having" being inserted to retain the grammatical connection. There is a perceptible gain in brevity and force.

9. This last sentence was wisely omitted.

10. Omitted, with evident gain in precision.

II.

"Obstructed" was inserted here, and "by" took the place of the following bracketed clause. There is a gain in precision, brevity, and force. 12. Omitted, at the suggestion of Franklin.

17. This phrase, “abolishing our most valuable laws,” was inserted by Franklin.

18. In place of the bracketed expression, the following was inserted : "by declaring us out of his protection and waging war against us.” The improvement is obvious.

19. After "perfidy" was inserted : "scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally." In this case, the addition is a doubtful improve

ment.

20. Here was inserted: "excited domestic insurrection among us, ana has." This addition takes the place of the following paragraph.

21. Omitted as redundant.

22. In his Autobiography Jefferson says: "The clause reprobating the enslaving the inhabitants of Africa was struck out in complaisance to South Carolina and Georgia, who had never attempted to restrain the importation of slaves, and who, on the contrary, still wished to continue it. Our Northern brethren also, I believe, felt a little tender under these censures; for though their people had very few slaves themselves, yet they had been pretty considerable carriers of them to others."

24. Omitted, and the adjective " "free" inserted before "people.' Greater brevity and force are thus secured.

25. In place of "a" was substituted "an unwarrantable; in place of "these our states," the pronoun " us."

by."

26. Omitted.

27. After "

we" insert "have."

" and in

28. In place of this phrase was inserted: "and we have conjured them

29.

"Would inevitably" was substituted, with decided gain in force. 30. What is bracketed was omitted; before " acquiesce" was inserted,

"We must therefore." In reference to this omission Jefferson says: "The pusillanimous idea that we had friends in England worth keeping terms with, still haunted the minds of many. For this reason, those passages which conveyed censures on the people of England were struck out, lest they should give them offence."

31. Omitted, and after "separation" was added: "and hold them as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends.”

32. Here was inserted, as a decided improvement, the following: "colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved.”

33. Here was inserted, "with a firm reliance on the protection of divine

Providence."

VI.

SELECTION FROM HAMILTON.

2

THE FEDERALIST.

NUMBER I. INTRODUCTION

AFTER full experience of the insufficiency of the existing federal government, you are invited to deliberate upon a new Constitution for the United States of America. The subject speaks its own importance; comprehending in its consequences nothing less than the existence of the UNION, the safety and welfare of the parts of which it is composed, the fate of an empire, in many respects, the most interesting in the world.3 It has been frequently remarked, that it seems to have Deen reserved to the people of this country to decide, by their conduct and example, the important question, whether societies of men are really capable or not, of establishing good government from reflection and choice, or whether they are forever destined to depend for their political constitutions, on accident and force. If there be 4 any truth in the remark, the crisis at which we are arrived may, with propriety, be regarded as the period when that decision is to be made; and a wrong election 5 of the part we shall act may, in this view, deserve to be considered as the general misfortune of mankind.

This idea, by adding the inducements of philanthropy to those of patriotism, will heighten the solicitude which all considerate and good men must feel for the event. Happy will it be if our choice should be directed by a judicious estimate of our true interests, uninfluenced by considerations foreign to the public good. But this is more ardently to be wished for, than seriously to be expected. The plan offered to our deliberation affects too many particular interests, innovates upon 7 too many local institutions, not to involve in its discussion a variety of objects extraneous to its merits, and of views, passions and prejudices little favorable to the discovery of truth.8

Among the most formidable of the obstacles which the new Constitution will have to encounter, may readily be distinguished the

obvious interest of a certain class of men in every State to resist all changes which may hazard a diminution of the power, emolument, and consequence 10 of the offices they hold under the State establishments

- and the perverted ambition of another class of men, who will either hope to aggrandize themselves by the confusions of their country, or will flatter themselves with fairer prospects of elevation from the subdivision of the empire into several partial confederacies, than from its union under one government.

-

12

It is not, however, my design to dwell upon observations of this nature. I am aware it would be disingenuous " to resolve indiscriminately the opposition of any set of men into interested or ambitious views, merely because their situations might subject them to suspicion. Candor will oblige us to admit, that even such men may be actuated by upright intentions; and it cannot be doubted, that much of the opposition, which has already shown itself, or that may hereafter make its appearance, will spring from sources blameless at least, if not respectable — the honest errors of minds led astray by preconceived jealousies and fears.' So numerous indeed and so powerful are the causes which serve to give a false bias to the judgment, that we, upon many occasions, see wise and good men on the wrong as well as on the right side of questions of the first magnitude to society. This circumstance, if duly attended to, would always furnish a lesson of moderation to those, who are engaged in any controversy, however well persuaded of being in the right. And a further reason for caution in this respect,13 might be drawn from the reflection, that we are not always sure, that those who advocate the truth are actuated by purer principles than their antagonists.14 Ambition, avarice, personal animosity, party opposition, and many other motives, not more laudable than these, are apt to operate as well upon those who support, as upon those who oppose, the right side of a question. Were there not even these inducements to moderation, nothing could be more ill-judged 15 than that intolerant spirit, which has, at all times, characterized political parties. For, in politics as in religion, it it equally absurd 16 to aim at making proselytes by fire and sword. Heresies in either can rarely be cured by persecution.

And yet, just as these sentiments must appear to candid 1 men, we have already sufficient indications that it will happen in this, as in all former cases of great national discussion. A torrent of angry and malignant passions will be let loose. To judge from the conduct of the opposite parties, 19 we shall be led to conclude, that they will

18

21

mutually hope to evince the justness of their opinions, and to increase the number of their converts, by the loudness of their declamations, and by the bitterness of their invectives.20 An enlightened zeal for the energy and efficiency of government, will be stigmatized as the offspring of a temper fond of power, and hostile to the principles of liberty. An over-scrupulous jealousy 22 of danger to the rights of the people, which is more commonly the fault of the head than of the heart, will be represented as mere pretence and artifice 23. the stale bait for popularity at the expense of public good. It will be forgotten, on the one hand, that jealousy is the usual concomitant of violent love, and that the noble enthusiasm of liberty is too apt to be infected with a spirit of narrow and illiberal 24 distrust. On the other hand, it will be equally forgotten, that the rigor of government is essential to the security of liberty; that in the contemplation of a sound and wellinformed judgment, their 25 interests can never be separated; and that a dangerous ambition more often lurks behind the specious mask of zeal for the rights of the people, than under the forbidding appearances of zeal for the firmness and efficiency of government. History will teach us, that the former has been found a much more certain road to the introduction of despotism than the latter, and that of those men who have overturned the liberties of republics, the greatest number have begun their career, by paying an obsequious court to the people; commencing demagogues, and ending tyrants.

In the course of the preceding observations it has been my aim, fellow citizens, to put you upon your guard against all attempts, from whatever quarter, to influence your decision in a matter of the utmost moment to your welfare, by any impressions, other than those which may result from the evidence of truth. You will, no doubt, at the same time, have collected from the general scope of them, that they proceed from a source not unfriendly to the new Constitution. Yes, my countrymen, I own to you, that, after having given it an attentive consideration, I am clearly of opinion, it is your interest to adopt it. I am convinced, that this is the safest course for your liberty, your dignity, and your happiness. I affect not reserves which I do not feel.26 I will not amuse you with an appearance of deliberation, when I have decided. I frankly acknowledge to you my convictions, and I will freely lay before you the reasons on which they are founded. The consciousness of good intentions disdains ambiguity. I shall not however multiply professions on this head. My motives must remain in the depository of my own breast; my arguments will be open to all,