Y.R. B.C. 711 bodies of Hirtius and Pansa with honors to Rome, where 43 they received a public funeral.1 CHAPTER XI Cassius raises an Army-State of Affairs in Syria - Brutus captures Gaius Antonius in Macedonia - Octavius makes Approaches toward Reconciliation with Antony - He communicates with Lepidus and Asinius Pollio- Octavius applies for the Consulship - Asks Cicero to be his Colleague 77. The following events took place in Syria and Macedonia about the same time. Gaius Cæsar, when he passed through Syria, left a legion there, as he was already contemplating an expedition against the Parthians. Cæcilius. Bassus had charge of it, but the title of commander was held by Sextus Julius, a young man related to Cæsar himself, who was given over to dissipation and who led the legion around everywhere in an indecorous manner. Once 1 This is one of the rare cases in ancient history where it is possible to prove a negative. The letter of Decimus Brutus to Cicero from Pollentia, already referred to, disposes of all the time between the death of Hirtius and that of Pansa, so that no such interview as this could possibly have taken place. Hirtius was killed in the last engagement, the one in which Antony was put to flight. The next day Decimus had a meeting and conversation with Octavius at Mutina. Early on the following day he was summoned to Bononia to confer with Pansa, and while on the road thither received news of his death. Moreover, all that we know of the character of Pansa contradicts this tale of treachery. Pansa was a Cæsarian, but he was not false to the cause he publicly served. The simultaneous deaths of Hirtius and Pansa put so much power in the hands of Octavius that a story became current that he had killed the former with his own hand, and had bribed the physician of the latter to poison his wound. The physician was a Greek named Glyco. He was arrested and put in prison. There is a letter from Marcus Brutus to Cicero, complaining bitterly of the injustice done to Glyco, who, it appears, had married a sister of one of Brutus' Greek friends named Achilleus. "The accusation," says Brutus, "has not the least foundation. Who has suffered more than he from Pansa's death? Moreover, he is a man of sobriety and character, whom not even self-interest could impel to such a crime. I ask you, I ardently beseech you (for our Achilleus is deeply pained) to have him released from custody, and take care of him." (Ad Brutum, 6.) Combes-Dounous thinks that the story of the death-bed interview with Pansa may have been invented during the reign of Augustus, to avert the suspicion of foul play against Pansa. Y.R. B.C. 711 when Bassus reproved him, he replied insultingly, and some- 43 time later, when he called Bassus to him and the latter was slow in obeying, he ordered him to be dragged before him. A tumult and blows ensued. The soldiers would not tolerate the indignity and stabbed Julius. This act was followed by repentance and fear of Cæsar. Accordingly, they took an oath together that they would defend themselves to the death if they were not pardoned and restored to confidence, and they compelled Bassus to take the same oath. They also enlisted and drilled another legion as associates with themselves. This is one account of Bassus, but Libo1 says that he belonged to the army of Pompey and that after the latter's defeat he became a private citizen in Tyre, where he corrupted certain members of the legion, who slew Sextus and chose Bassus for their leader. However that may have been, Cæsar sent Statius Marcus against him with three legions. Bassus defeated him badly. Finally, Marcus appealed to Marcius Crispus, the governor of Bithynia, and the latter came to his aid with three legions. 78. While Bassus was besieged by the latter, Cassius suddenly came up with them and took possession, not only of the two legions of Bassus, but also of the six that were besieging him, whose leaders surrendered in a friendly way and obeyed him as proconsul; for the Senate had decreed, as I have already said, that all [beyond the Adriatic] should obey Cassius and Brutus. Just then Allienus, who had been sent to Egypt by Dolabella, brought from that quarter four legions of soldiers dispersed by the disasters of Pompey and of Crassus, or left with Cleopatra by Cæsar. Cassius surrounded him unawares in Palestine and compelled him to surrender, as he did not dare to fight with four legions against eight. Thus Cassius became the master, in a surprising way, of twelve legions, and laid siege to Dolabella, who was coming from Asia with two legions and had been received in Laodicea in a friendly manner. The Senate was delighted when it heard the news. 1 Aíẞw; as there is no historian known of the name of Libo, except one of much earlier date, most critics have concluded that this is a copyist's error for Aßiw (Livy). Mendelssohn does not concur in this view. He does not believe that a single particle of Appian can have been derived from Livy. Y.R. B.C. 711 79. In Macedonia Gaius Antonius, the brother of Mark 43 Antony, with one legion of foot soldiers, contended with Brutus, and, being inferior in strength to the latter, laid an ambuscade for him. Brutus avoided the trap, and, in his turn, laid an ambuscade, but he did no harm to those whom he caught in it, but ordered his own soldiers to salute their adversaries. Although the latter did not return the salutation or accept the courtesy he allowed them to pass out of the trap unharmed. Then he went around by other roads and confronted them again at a precipice, and again did them no harm but saluted them. Then, regarding him as a saviour of his fellow-citizens, and as one deserving the reputation he had gained for wisdom and mildness, they conceived an admiration for him, saluted him, and passed over to him. Gaius also surrendered himself and was treated with honor by Brutus until he was convicted of having tried several times to corrupt the army, when he was put to death. Thus, including his former forces, Brutus had possession of six legions, and since he approved the valor of the Macedonians he raised two legions among them, whom he drilled in the Italian discipline. 80. Such was the state of affairs in Syria and Macedonia. In Italy Octavius, although he considered it an insult that Decimus, instead of himself, was chosen general against Antony, concealed his indignation and asked the honors of a triumph for his exploits. Being disdained by the Senate as though he were seeking honors beyond his years, he began to fear lest if Antony were destroyed he should be despised still more, and so he desired a reconciliation with Antony, as Pansa on his death-bed had recommended to him.2 Accordingly, he began to make friends of those of Antony's army who had been taken prisoners, both officers and sol 1 Plutarch mentions the attempt to corrupt the soldiers, but says that Gaius was put to death by Brutus in retaliation for the killing of Cicero and Decimus Brutus by Antony (Life of Brutus, 28). 2 As soon as Antony was defeated and driven to the Alps the Senate supposed that it had no further need of Octavius. Cicero, who was the first wit, as well as the greatest orator of the age, indulged in an unseasonable jest about this time. The first account we have of it is in a letter from Decimus Brutus to Cicero, dated Eporedia, May 23. "My affection and duty to you," he says, "compel me to feel for you what I never feel for myself, namely, fear. It is about a saying that I have VOL. II-T Y.R. 711 B.C. diers. He enrolled them among his own troops, or if they 43 wished to return to Antony he allowed them to do so, in order to show that he was not moved by implacable hatred against him. When he was encamped near to Ventidius, Antony's friend, who had command of three legions, he inspired the latter with fear, but performed no hostile act, and in like manner gave him the opportunity to join himself or to go on safely with his army to Antony, and told him to chide the latter for ignoring their common interests. Ventidius took the hint and proceeded to join Antony. Octavius also allowed Decius, one of Antony's officers, who had been taken prisoner at Mutina, and had been treated with honor, to return to Antony if he wished, and when Decius tried to find out what were his sentiments toward Antony, he said that he had given plenty of indications to persons of discernment and that more would be insufficient for fools. 81. After conveying these hints to Antony, Octavius wrote still more plainly to Lepidus and Asinius concerning the indignities put upon himself and the rapid advancement of the murderers, causing them to fear, lest in consequence of the favor extended to the Pompeian faction, each of the Cæsarians should, one by one, share the fate of Antony, although he was suffering the consequences of his own folly and arrogance.' He advised that, for the sake of appearheard several times, and have at no time made light of, and very lately from Labeo Segulius (so very like himself), who tells me that he was with Octavius, and they were having much conversation about you. Octavius himself did not make any complaint of you, except as to a phrase that he said you had uttered, namely, laudandum adolescentem, ornandum, tollendum." The force of this bon mot is found in the last word, which has a double meaning, so that the sentence may read: "The young man should be praised, honored, and extolled," or "The young man should be praised, honored, and taken off." Decimus continued, "Octavius said that he should not furnish any opportunity for his taking off." He added that very likely Segulius himself had reported this saying to Octavius, or even that he had invented the whole thing himself (Ad Fam. xi. 20). We have Cicero's reply to this letter. "May the gods confound Segulius," he says, "for the basest creature of all who live, or have lived, or shall live," but he does not deny that he made use of the phrase (Ad Fam. xi. 21). 1 κἀκείνῳ δι' ἀφροσύνην καὶ ὑπεροψίαν τοῦδε τοῦ δέους τάδε παθόντι, α sentence rendered obscure by the introduction of the words Toûde Tou déous. Nauck thinks that the whole sentence is spurious. Y.R. B.C. 711 ances, they should obey the Senate, but that they should 43 confer together for their own safety while they could still do so, and reproach Antony for his conduct; that they should follow the example of their own soldiers, who did not separate even when they were discharged from the service but, in order that they might not be exposed to the assaults of enemies, preferred to unite their strength by settling together on ground that belonged not to them in groups, rather than enjoy their own homesteads singly. These things Octavius wrote to Lepidus and Asinius.1 The first soldiers of Decimus fell sick by reason of excessive eating after their famine, and suffered from dysentery, and the newer ones were still undrilled. Plancus soon joined him with his army, and then Decimus wrote to the Senate that he would pursue and capture Antony immediately.2 1 That Octavius was serving his own interest, and not that of the republic, was perceived by Plancus, who wrote to Cicero as follows: "You know, my dear Cicero, that I share your affection for Octavius. Because of my intimacy with Cæsar when he was alive, I was under the necessity of defending and loving Octavius, and for the further reason that, as far as I could discover, he was himself a young man of most moderate and humane sentiments. Considering the distinguished friendship that existed between Cæsar and myself, it would have been base in me not to hold him in the place of a son, when he had been adopted as such by Cæsar, and confirmed by the judgment of the Senate. Now, what I write to you I swear that I write more in sorrow than in anger. That Antony is alive to-day, that Lepidus has joined him, that they have an army not to be despised, that they have hope and courage, are due wholly to Octavius. Not to go farther back, if he had been willing to join me at the time he said he would, either the war would now be ended, or it would be pushed into Spain, which is most hostile to them, to their great disadvantage." (Ad Fam. x. 24.) This letter is dated July 28. 2 ναυτικῶν περ ἤδη γεγονότων; literally whose naval arrangements were already made." This is so incongruous with historical facts that most commentators have substituted some other word for vaUTIKŵv. Schweighäuser suggested vaarikov (hard pressed), but he left a blank at this place in the Latin version. Combes-Dounous adds the word aure, and renders the passage that Antony had made preparations for flight by water. Tyrwhitt (as we learn from the preface to the Didot edition) conceived that the right words were αὐτίκα. ὧνπερ ἤδη γεγονότων, οἵ τε Πομπηϊανοί, etc., the last six words being transferred to the beginning of Sec. 82. Thus the rendering would be: "Decimus wrote to the Senate that he would pursue and capture Antony immediately. When the Pompeians learned what had happened," etc., a rational explanation. |