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the internal taxes, the liquidation of the public debt, and a change of the naturalization laws. These were truly radical measures, and if they had originated in the Democratic party, it would have gone far to establish its claims to the name of a reforming party; but, unfortunately for its radicalism, as it has often happened, the two first were devised and advocated by a distinguished gentleman in the ranks of the opposition; while the last was suggested by the preceding administration.

On the fourth day of March, 1817, James Monroe succeeded James Madison as President of the United States. At this time all political strife had nearly ceased, and if there was ever a time in the history of our country, when radical reforms would have incurred no decided opposition, this was preëminently the period. But what measures of reform were adopted during the eight years of Monroe's Administration The so called Monroe-doctrine was adopted. What this doctrine means, is still a question among our statesmen. Calhoun thought it meant nonintervention ; John Quincy Adams thought it meant intervention ; while Hayne declared it a non-committal doctrine to be construed as one saw fit. Now if it was non-intervention in its meaning, then surely instead of its being an original measure, it was, in fact, borrowed from the neutral policy recommended by Washington. If it was intervention in its intended construction, then it was but the Jacobin doctrine of Jefferson clothed in the drapery of milder and less offensive language. In either case it was not a new or radical measure. The Missouri Compromise also was adopted under Monroe's Administration, but he, who caused the dark cloud of gloom, which hung like a pall over the bright prospects of our country to pass away, by the sunshine of his persuasion, and made patriotism triumph over fanaticism by his eloquence, is known to all. It is unnecessary to point out in what respects the later Administrations of the Democratic party have not been sincere and honest advocates of reforms. Their policy is fresh in every one's memory, and whoever will take the pains to compare their measures with the true standard of reform, will perceive as much want of originality in devising radical changes, as of sincerity in adopting them. Passing over, then, the Administration of Jackson, Van Buren and Polk, we come down to the present Government. Franklin Pierce came into office with the advantage of being a comparatively unknown man, and for that reason, we had a right to expect that his Administration would be progressive in its tendency. Old party leaders, and old party issues, were thrust aside to make room for a new man, bound by no party obligations, and for new measures, untrammeled by the fogyism of the past. The questions of other days had all been settled, or at least had ceased to be agitated, while new and important measures of progress were claiming the earnest attention of the people. The greatest of these questions was, whether the Government would lend its aid in commencing and completing a national work, in comparison with which the Appian way of Cæcus and the most stupendous works of Napoleon, would dwindle into insignificance. A large part of the Democracy, both at the North and at the South, waited only for the signal of approval from the President, to lay claims to the doctrine as a party measure. Even members of his Cabinet misinterpreting the course of his policy, uttered sentiments giving hope and encouragement to the people, and their words were taken up throughout the length and breadth of the land as an earnest of a radical and progressive Administration. A few weeks have since intervened, and the fogyism of the past has got the better of progression, and the President has sunk back again into the stop-policy of his predecessors. What a comprehensive compendium is this of the progressive policy of the Democratic party from the days of Jefferson to the present time! A man is placed in the highest position in the gift of a great people. He has measures of improvement thrust upon his attention by the progress of the age, which, if he would adopt and carry out, would make his name commensurate with the future existence of our country. But instead of this, we have a man for President who has spent over a fourth part of his Administration in uniting the fag ends of a party as incongruent as Falstaff's army at Coventry, and dealing out the crums of patronage with as much care to tide-waiters and salt-guagers, as to Cabinet officers and ministers abroad.

Thus we have reviewed the policy and the measures of the Democratic party, and in going over so large a field, and finding so little radicalism, we are reminded of that passage in King Henry the Fourth, where the policy and the private papers of the sleeping Falstaff are examined by Prince Henry and Gadshill.

Prince Henry. Hark! how hard he fetches breath, search his pockets. What hast thou found !

Gadshill. Nothing but papers, my Lord.
Prince Henry. Let's see what they are ; read them.
Gadshill. Item, A Capon, 2s. 6d.

66 Sauce, 4d.
66 Sack, two gallons, 5s. 3d.
46 Anchovies and sack, after supper, 2s. 6d.

" Bread, a half penny. Prince Henry. O monstrous ! but one half penny worth of bread to this intolerable deal of sack !

J. C. R.

The Ideal.
In the music chime of merry rhyme,

I will weave my humble lay,
To one more fair than the morning air,

When the sunbeams sweetly play.
The silken lash with the beaming flash

Of her dark and lustrous eye,
May put to shame the lightning's flame,
. As it leaps the frowning sky.
So sweetly empearled in their roseate world,

Her teeth scarce meet the view,
Save when a smile, all free from guile,

Like starlight shineth through.
Her step is light as the zephyr-sprite,

And her foot so tiny and small,
Like a phantom dance in midnight trance,

No shadow it makes on the wall.
Her spirit pure is the cynosure

That prophets so oft have told,
Leads to realms of light, as fair and bright

As stars of shining gold.
The silvery cloud is her spirit-shroud,

The morn her evening guest,
While flowers in bloom bedeck her home,

The rainbow round her breast.
The winning grace of her angel face

Shines on Heaven's azure dome,
And with heart elate at the “ Pearly gate,”

She welcomes our spirits home.
Till the spirit real of my bright ideal

My vision shall fondly greet,
And the curving arch, where the spirit march

Resounds to ber unseen feet,
Shall become a part of my own wild heart,

And she my spirit-bride,
In the music chime of merry rhyme

I will woo ber at even-tide.

IRIS.

Intellectual and Moral Greatness.

INTELLECTUAL and moral greatness are simply constituent parts of the highest type of Greatness. They are entirely independent of each other. They may exist each without the other, and do so exist oftener than otherwise.

Intellectual Greatness with man is of a two-fold character; original and acquired. Some minds are naturally possessed of power and genius, and need but simple development to enable them to shine among the brightest in the intellectual firmament. Others, again, are by nature not much above the common order of minds, and yet great energy of character, and severity of discipline long continued, gives them enviable power and influence. It is these characteristics combined which constitute the greatest power of mind. An intellect, powerful by nature, may remain without influence or notice, because unwrought. There are many uncut diamonds.

Intellectual greatness, in itself considered, is mere power in full development; positive, absolute, and independent, to be sure, but reckless and blind. It knows no good, no evil. It thinks, investigates, compares, and analyzes, because it is its nature to perform all these acts. It neither loves, nor hates, nor sympathizes. It appreciates and receives nothing but knowledge; it develops and produces nothing but pure thought. To man, as an intellectual being, it is a chief glory, a grand, a noble, a commanding quality and acquirement. To man, as a social being, it is the lofty, impressive, but snow-capped Alps; mighty, but cold, begetting nothing but wonder and awe.

It loves truth, because truth is consistent with itself, and is the only sure ground upon which it may make progress in knowledge; for an inconsistency is an abomination to the intellect, and to advance in knowledge is its chief delight—that for which it will sacrifice all things else.

If it is of any influence upon society, it is through stern and rigid reason. Like an absolute monarch, it wields the arm of severe necessity, but never shows the hand of persuasion.

As an antagonist, Intellectual Greatness is persisting, jealous, and unyielding; for its grounds are taken only on the apprehension and conviction of what, in its notion, is the truth. Hence, a counter-conviction is necessary, which is not gained without a struggle ; for not only must the opponent prove the truth of his own ground, but he must first disprove the truth of the ground of the other, which, evidently, is of ten-fold more

difficulty, for it is very hard for a man to give up his own child, and adopt another in its stead.

It delights to meet with other intellects, especially those of its own rank; but it is because it loves to discuss its own convictions, and may, perhaps, make new acquisitions in knowledge. It is in its nature to disseminate, and perhaps inculcate, what to it is truth, as well as to investigate and establish it. But the greatest human intellect is still, notwithstanding its greatness, very liable to error, for it is soon lost and overwhelmed in the profusion of infinite greatness that surrounds it.

It delights in the investigation of the works of nature, because it sees in them unmistakable evidences of an intellect of infinite power; and there progress in knowledge may be made without end.

It is never stationary. The apex of greatness is never reached ; but as it advances, no matter with how much rapidity, “ Jills peep o'er hills, and Alps on Alps arise.” It can live and grow only in action, and the more are its acquirements, the more it is capable of acquiring; and all this because it is so constituted in its nature.

It seems to be its sphere to investigate the causes and reasons of things, but not to trouble itself about that which would alleviate the misery of others, or promote the common weal.

But what man, what intelligence have we here? Verily none. We have examined only one part of a truly great man, and that part which, without the moral quality, or rather with that quality blunted and deprived of its legitimate action, would render man an arch-fiend. We have attempted to describe one of the constituent parts of the highest type of greatness. We?have investigated briefly what is, as it were, the noble engine of the ship, beautiful, and complicated, and working with harmony and strength, in full operation. But we have not observed that which guides the whole structure. We have taken no notice of the helm and the compass.

Moral greatness is not like that part of our subject of which we have just treated,-a power; but rather a quality or principle, acting through the intellect, and only through the intellect. There are many qualities and passions of our nature, not only directing the intellect in its action, but giving it intense energy of action ; such as ambition, patriotism, and revenge. Such a quality, or perhaps combination of qualities, is Moral Greatness.

. And this is the very relation which the intellect, in any point of view, was designed to hold to our moral nature; to be guided by it in all its operations, so that all its acts might redound to right, and justice, and goodness, both individual and common.

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