Lothians, &c. is a plain proof how successful her labours against Popery had been, and how lofty was the standard of Church reformation after which she aspired. It may not be unsuitable to refer to her exertions in behalf of the sanctification of the Lord's day: these always supply a good test of Christian character. The Church of Rome has ever proved herself the great enemy of the due observance of the Sabbath. At the period of the Reformation in Scotland, it was common to hold fairs and markets on the Lord's day.

Mills and

saltpans continued in operation as on other days. In time of harvest, reapers were hired, and corn cut down and gathered in; nay, tragedies and comedies, drawn from the canonical Scriptures, were frequently exhibited on the sacred hours of the Sabbath, not excluding even Robin Hood and the King of May. In short, the Lord's day was treated as a day of labour and amusement, just as it is still in Popish countries. The Protestant Church of Scotland set herself vigorously against these crying enormities; and, in the course of a few years, succeeded, to a great extent, in putting them down. She blended wisdom with her zeal. In 1590, ministers were called upon to give in the names of those within their bounds who had most influence in stopping Sabbath markets, that they might be applied to to use that influence aright; and the vassals of Lord Angus are entreated to give the tenants under them a day of the week for reaping and leading their corn, so that they might be under no temptation to profane the day of God. This latter was a frequent recommendation.

With regard, again, to the duties of Christian union and brotherly love, which, we have seen, marked the character of the early Protestant Church of France, similar indications are not wanting in the Church of Scotland. First of all, she allowed of "no service, friendship, or league with Papists, in France, Italy, or Spain, or other countries, by common or particular consent.' Here is the presence of decided principle. On the other hand, both in 1566 and 1583, she took steps indicative

of enlightened Christian affection. In the one case, addressing the bishops of the Church of England as brethren, and beseeching them to show kindness to those pastors in that country who differed from them in matters non-essential. In the other, entreating the king to charge his ambassador, going into England, to "labour that a union and bond may be made between the king -her Majesty (Queen Elizabeth), and other Christian princes and realms professing the true religion, for the protection and defence of the true Word of God, and its professors, against the persecution of Papists and confederates, joined and united together by the bloody league of Trent; and also, that her Majesty will disburden their brethren of England of the yoke of ceremonies imposed on them, against the liberty of the Word." Some ignorant men imagine, that the ministers of the early Church of Scotland were so blinded by their love of Presbytery, that they were unwilling to recognise the Christian character of the Episcopal Church of England; but here is an answer to all such misrepresentations, and a sufficient defence of those of their posterity at the present day, who, amid the menacing aspects of Popery, are disposed to join with the Church of England, as a Protestant Church, against a common enemy, while they hold by all the peculiarities of Presbyterianism as sacredly as ever. Nor are terms of friendship with those Christian churches which maintain the head, all for which the Church of Scotland contended in her early days. She discovered the most substantial kindness to the members of foreign churches. While, in 1573, the General Assembly granted a pension of 500 merks, besides other provision, for the support of the widow and three daughters of the great Reformer, Knox, and 14 years after called all her ministers to intercede with God in behalf of Gilbert Lamb and his company, detained in prison, in a city of Spain, either that He would deliver, or grant them" a final perseverance and constancy to the end, in the true profession of the Gospel." While the Church, I say, manifested so tender a regard for her own chil

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dren, she was not insensible to the claims of the members of other Churches. A standing reason in almost all her fast-day appointments, is the oppression of the Reformed Churches. In 1578, she calls upon her people to fasting and prayer, for the bloody councils of the Romish Beast all over Europe; and, next year, subjects Captain Anstruther to the sharpest discipline of the Church, because, when in France, he had conformed to Popery, and kept the King's Gate at the Louvre, on the night of the butchery and massacre of Paris-doubtless the night of St Bartholomew. Though the of fender confessed his sin, and stated, that he had passed no farther than the gate, so that he had no actual hand in the crime, yet the sin is deemed so serious, that he is required to make public repentance in the parish church of St Andrews, after the form of discipline for apostates. This shows, surely, the tender sympathy of the Church of Scotland, in these early days, for the suffering Protestants of France. And the same feeling was discovered in 1586, when so eminent a man as Andrew Melville was ordained by the General Assembly to write a favourable letter to the French ministers, who had repaired to this country, assuring them of the labours of the Church with the king, and the burgh towns, in their behalf; and two years later, when all ministers are exhorted to labour earnestly with their parishioners, and inform them of the necessities of the brethren of France, exiled for their religion, and of the obligation to support them.

Beautiful as are these aspects of character, I am far from ascribing any perfection to the Church of Scotland, even in her purest days. I am willing to grant that her discipline, especially towards the members of the Church of Rome, was unwarrantably severe; but what was the school from which she borrowed any intolerance which clung to her? It was the Romish school. And what, in most cases, was the state of things which provoked it? It was the claims of self-preservation,—the first law of nature. If the discipline of the Church was harsh toward the Papist, it was not relaxed toward her

own members. With admirable impartiality she called the nobility of both sexes, and the ministers of the Gospel, and office-bearers of the Church, to the strictest account; suspending, deposing, and excommunicating, where she believed that Scripture principles and laws had been contravened by any of her members, no matter how high and influential. The gross crimes which prevailed in many quarters of the country, as appears from the confessions of her fast-days, do not argue that her labours were unwise or inefficient. There was, no doubt, much vice in her best times, as there has ever been in the best times of the Church of Christ in all countries. But it was not in consequence of, but in spite of her discipline, that sin still reared its head so flagrantly. It is possible that the very presence of so much truth and righteousness provoked the moral evil, and made it the more conspicuous. It is certain that the civil law was so weak in these days, and its execution so irregular, that there was no restraint for crimes which, in most countries, the arm of justice is quite sufficient to repress; and, whatever may have been the strong remains of human wickedness, it cannot be questioned that a vast deal of evil was prevented or corrected by the faithful preaching, and the strict discipline, of the early Church of Scotland.

Since writing the above, I have had access to an important document recently discovered,—the Minute-book of the General Session of Glasgow, from 1583 to 1592. It fully confirms all the views which have been unfolded of the character of the Church of Scotland in the previous pages. I may add a few supplementary facts. It appears, then, that the kirk-sessions of these days were very large; at a period when the population of Glasgow consisted barely of 3000 to 4000, there were 42 elders and 24 deacons, and these consisted of the leading men of the town, the provost and magistrates, the chief persons at the University, and even the nobles of the land. This must have greatly strengthened the hands of faithful

ministers. Before persons were admissable to baptism for their children, or to the table of the Lord as communicants, they were required to undergo preparatory examination. Parents were expected to know the commandments, the articles of faith, and the Lord's prayer. In the absence of this knowledge, others suitably qualified became sponsors for their children; and such were the numbers who flocked to the Lord's table, that, for their better accommodation, the Supper was dispensed two or even three Sabbath-days in succession. A regular catechetical exercise preparatory to it was held during the whole year, and those were called to account who absented themselves from it, even though they had already communicated. This served to keep alive the knowledge which had been received. Immediately

before the dispensation, a meeting was held of the officebearers of the Church, and of the "honest men of the parish, to go over the roll, and ascertain whether there was any objection known to the life or conversation of any intending communicant, and also to afford an opportunity to remove grudges and compose differences where they existed, so that all might sit down at the table of the Lord as the members of a united family. By a singular arrangement, highly indicative of the extreme zeal of the Church for the universal spread of sound religious knowledge, the more instructed were made responsible for the ignorant under a pecuniary penalty; each in this way became the teacher of his neighbour. Much to the honour of the Church, she was the warm friend of the poor, at that period considerable in numbers, owing to the commencement of the breaking up of the feudal system. She made regular collections for them, which in Glasgow amounted each Sabbath to from £1 to £3 Scots,-a generous sum, at a time when the best sheep in the market could be bought for tenpence. the West Kirk parish of Edinburgh-amounting at the time to 2000 souls-there were not less than 80 poor who received public aid. Nor did the church of Glasgow limit her benevolence to her own poor; she felt for

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