ever, there is no reasoning against fo formidable a refolution, fupported by the power of the whole kingdom. We can only remark that the fame house has heretofore resolved to take under their own particular direction, the rights of the people, the priviledges of the lords, and the fovereignty of the Crown; and for a long time maintained this unnatural ufurpation.

If they did not fuffer the paffions of the man to influence the judgment of the fenator, they would never treat that as a point of honour which fhould be only confidered as a matter of right.

If, upon a cool, difpaffionate enquiry, it may appear that the commons of Great-Britain, have no natural or acquired fuperiority over the freemen of America, they will certainly do us the juftice to acknowledge this very reafonable independence, and not endeavour to enflave millions to promote the honour and dignity of a few ambitious individuals.

In fupporting this doctrine of independence, I have establifhed as an incontrovertible truth, this very accurate definition of my lord C. J. Hale That every act of parliament is a tripartite indenture of agreement between the three eftates of the kingdom. If this maxim be not difputable, I very humbly conceive that every confequence I have drawn from it, is fairly and logically deduced; for it cannot, but with the most glaring abfurdity, be fuppofed, that the parties to these political agreements may legally bind those who are not in any wife privy to them.

The very fpirit of the English conftitution requires, that general regulations framed for the government of fociety, muft have the fanction of general approbation; and, that no man fhall be deprived of life, liberty or property, but, by the force of thofe laws to which he has voluntarily fubfcribed. Thefe principles once acknowledged as the foundation of English liberty, how can the colonifts be faid to poffefs the natural rights of mankind, or the peculiar privileges of Englishmen, while they are every day liable to receive laws framed by perfons ignorant of their abilities----unacquainted with their neceffities, and evidently influenced by partial motives? If my zeal for the good of my country has not clouded my judgment, I dare ftill fo far depend upon the principles which I have established, as to affert, that while the power of the British parliament is acknowledged fovereign and fupreme in every respect whatever, the liberty of America is no more than a flattering dream, and her privileges delufive fhadows.

While

While I relate matters of fact, from the best evidence which I am capable of receiving, if I have mifrepresented them, Ilie open to contradiction; and, when I recapitulate the principles from which I have drawn my reafoning, I am not so obftinately attached to my own opinion as to be proof against conviction. If I am guilty of any errors in the course of this unconnected performance, they must be attributed to my not having received fufficient information, or to my want of ability in ufing the materials which I had acquired. I have never wilfully mifreprefented a fact, nor defignedly drawn from it a fallacious confequence. I have not laboured to establish any favourite fyftem, and, with the vanity of a projector, supported it at the expence of my veracity.

But however trifling this performance may appear, both my head and my heart have co-operated in its production, and I really fat down-"to write what I thought, not to think what I fhould write."

Ardeo, mihi credite incredibili quodam amore patria quod volent denique homines exiftiment; nemini ego poffum effe bene de republica merenti non amicus.

CICERO.

A CITIZEN.

For the POLITICAL REGISTER.

The GOUT and a late STATESMAN,
A Dialogue.

Statesman. AH! what again, renew your visit vile!

Your bitter malice makes me now but fimile

You toil in vain, in vain your throbs begin,

I feel a thousand sharper pains within,

Your pangs but mitigate my greater smart,

Meer cordials to my harrafs'd mind and heart.

Gout. I'll plague you then with hotter fharper points
I'll wrench your finews, and I'll rack your joints.
I'm now commiffion'd by vindictive laws,
I'll fting you deeper in your country's cause.
Your gout fhall now a vizor wear no more
With patriot flannels on St. Stephen's floor,
But make the proud impoftor loudly roar.

States. Ay there, my haughty foul muft foon fubmit,
One deadly thought is worse than all the fit;
One felf-accufing thought, affliets me more,
Than all the arrows in your mortal ftore;
In vain your quiver with fuch fhafts is cram'd,
For confcience is the fcourge of all the damn'd.

Gout.

States. All pains of fense my mental throbs defpife,
I feel the worm within that never dies;
Veteran as I am I ftill must feel :

My brazen buckler, and my coat of steel
Loft in the mortal fhafts of black despair,
For vengeance makes a thrust, and breaches there:
Tho' hackney'd to a proverb be my name,
I ftill have left fome little fenfe of shame;
Oh! clofe companion, I am loft and won,
That crafty Scot hath all my hopes undone !
His low laid fchemes have stopp'd my foaring piles;
On my indignant plan he scornful fmiles,
He proudly tramples on my patriot claim,
And builds his glory on my branded name.
Perdition on the thought; Oh stab severe !
For baubles, titles, toys, for empty air,
To purchase scorn, contempt, and black despair.
Gout: I'll liften now to your enraged ftile,
And liften to yourfelf the defp'rate while;
When difappointed pride from hope must fly,
Pursued and hunted by the public cry.
The retrofpect your fhrinking foul annoys,
The Gout could pity what your guilt destroys.

Statef. Can I look back ?--beat down that fcorpion rod!
The people and the prince obey'd my nod,

And I was worship'd like an earthly god.
What incenfe did the bigot nations bring,
How much in favour with my gracious king,
How cheated millions did my voice invoke,
How conscious fenates fhudder'd when I spoke,
How foul corruption, when I rais'd my hand.
Quick funk her bloated creft o'er all the land,
And in her gall her poifon ceas'd to blend,
And dreaded as a foe her greatest friend;
How did I act my more than acted part,
With mimic virtue prompted in my heart;
How private honour, and how public good,
Seem'd feated in my foul, and blended in my blood
How ev'ry mufe did ev'ry trophy give,

How statues to my name began to live?

Can I look back? now, now perform your part,

Now wrench my nerves, now wring my wretched heart
Thou friendly gout, thy kind assistance bring,
Let every neighb'ring anguish lend a fting;
The cool confedarates fhall my madness calm,
And cure my confcience with their kindly balm.
Gout. I will adminifter my fharpest woes,
I'll give the laft addition to your toes;
I'll bring your with'd for exit foon about,
Nay give your double-meaning tongue the gout;

I'll now inflame each hot morbific part,

Your guilty head, your hands, your feet, your heart.
Statef. My vanquish'd pride can now no more difpute,

What to be made a stalking horse to B--e?

A buckler base, a prostituted fcreen,
To ftand between him and the public fpleen,
'I feel I feel the cure of all my pain,
I feel a frenzy forging in my brain;
Distraction now fhall fnatch me from my woe,
And guilty confcience give the final blow!
I fee the gulph wide yawn before my eyes,
There headlong let me plunge no more to rife.

The POLITICAL BAROMETER. The following fenfible Letters contain too true a Description of our Misfortunes, to be omitted in this Register.

T

LETTER

August 10. 1768. HE greatest part of my property having been invested in the funds, I could not help paying fome attention to rumours or events, by which my fortune might be affected yet I never lay in wait to take advantage of a fudden fluctuation, much less would I make myself a bubble to bulls and bears, or a dupe to the pernicious arts practifed in the alley. I thought a prudent man, who had any thing to lofe, and really meant to do the best for himself and his family, ought to confider of the ftate of things at large, of the profpect before him, and the probability of particular events. A letter which appeared fome days ago in the public Papers, revived many ferious reflections of this fort in my mind, because it seemed to be written with candour and judgment. The effect of those reflections was, that I did not hesitate to alter the fituation of my property. I owe my thanks to that writer, that I am fafely landed from a troubled ocean of fear and anxiety, on which I think I never will venture my fortune and my happiness again. Perhaps it may not be useless to individuals to fee the motives on which I have acted.

In the first place, I confider this country as in a fituation, the like of which it never experienced before, but which the greatest empires have experienced in their turn. The fucceffes of the late war had placed us at the highest pinnacle of military glory. Every external circumftance feemed to conVOL. III.

Qq

tribute.

tribute to our profperity; the moft formidable of our enemies were reduced, and commerce had promifed to increase with the extent of our dominion. But at this point I fear we met with our ne plus ultra. The greatness of a kingdom cannot long be ftationary. That of Great Britain carried in itself an interior principle of weakness and decay. While the war continued, our fuperiority at fea gave us an exclufive commerce with the richeft quarters of the world, and fupplied us with wealth to fupport fuch efforts as no nation ever made before. But when the conclufion of peace had restored our rivals to the enjoyment of their former trade, the very efforts which had maintained the war, rendered it impoffible for us to meet thofe rivals upon equal terms in foreign markets. The national debt had rifen to a point fo far beyond the reach of oeconomical fpeculations, that the diminution of the principal almoft ceafed to be a queftion, and the miniftry found difficulty enough in providing funds for payment of the intereft. Here then we find an interior principle of decay, the operation of which is not lefs certain than 'fatal, The increase of your debt requires a proportionate increase of trade, at the fame time that it not only prevents that increafe, but operates in the contrary direction. A news-paper will not admit of fuch a deduction, or I would undertake to demonftrate, that all the profitable part of our foreign trade is loft, and that, in what remains, the balance is confiderably against us. But the fact is notorious. The fituation of our Eaft-India Trade is fo far altered for the better, that we do not fend fuch quantities of bullion as heretofore to China, and indeed we have it not to fend. Yet the resources of this trade are, at the best but precarious: nor is the balance of it even now clearly in our favour. A fingle defeat in India (an event not quite out of the limits of poffibility) would go near to annihilate the company. But it was in the colonies that our best and surest hopes were founded. Their extenfive commerce would have fupported our home manufactures, when other markets failed, and rewarded us in fome measure for that fecurity and extent of dominion, which the blood and treasure of this country had purchased for them. Here too our most reasonable expectations are difappointed. Not only the merchant who gives credit on the fecurity of perfonal good faith, is ruined by it, but, in a public view, the fum of the debts of individuals is held out in terrorem to awe us into a compliance with pretenfions, which shake the foundation of our political existence. We fhall be woefully deceived if we form our calculations of the real frate of trade, on the large commiffions, long credit, or extenfive enters