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public men, was the action of the religious bodies of Baltimore and vicinity. This showed how deeply the spirit of Rebellion pervaded the more respectable and responsible portion of the community. A delegation of five of the Young Men's Christian Associations, headed by Dr. Fuller of the Baptist Church, visited Washington, urging upon the President the importance of the recognition of the Southern Confederacy as a fixed fact, and expressing the hope that no more troops should be sent through Maryland. The President replied in substance:
'I must have troops for the defence of the capital. The Carolinians are now marching across Virginia to seize the capital and hang me. What am I to do? I must have troops, I say; and as they can neither crawl under Maryland nor fly over it, they must come across it."
These facts are, indeed, anticipatory, and the practical anachronism of their introduction here can be justified only by the purpose to indicate the magnitude of the work undertaken, the serious difficulties and dangers encountered by the new administration on the very threshold of its entrance to power. All that is needful, or that space will allow, is the briefest mention of the fact that this decisive reply of the President, the advance of General Butler, his occupation of Baltimore, and the proclamation there of martial law, the growing confidence of the Unionists and the gathering forces of the North, which the great uprising was pouring forth, cowed, if they did not crush out entirely, the traitors of Maryland. Instead of fighting against the government, the State fought for it, though there were always those in sympathy with and ready to help the Rebellion and arrests were made of some of the leading men, including Marshal Kane, the police commissioners, several members of the legislature, and other prominent citizens. The struggle in Kentucky and Missouri revealed the same subjective conflict within the minds of its citizens that raged in Maryland. Like the latter, they were anxious to save both the government and slavery, wisely thinking that their cherished system was safer within than without the Union; and they, too, sought to achieve the impossibility of maintaining
neutrality between the contending parties. But they differed in this, that while their respective governors sympathized more largely with the conspirators, their legislatures distrusted them, and contained loyal majorities. In both States the conviction was very general that the North would make new concessions and afford new guaranties. These views were very well expressed in the reply of Governor Magoffin, of Kentucky, to the Alabama commissioners who had sought the co-operation of Kentucky with the Southern States in their new crusade. "You ask," he said, "the co-operation of the Southern States, in order to redress our wrongs. So do we. You have no hope of a redress in the Union. We yet look hopefully to assurances that a powerful reaction is going on at the North. You seek a remedy in secession from the Union. We wish the united action of the slave States, assembled in convention, within the Union. You would act separately; we, unitedly. If Alabama and other slave States would meet us in convention, say at Nashville, or elsewhere, as early as the 5th day of February, I do not doubt that we would agree in forty-eight hours upon such reasonable guaranties, by way of amendments to the Constitution of the United States, as would command at least the approbation of our numerous friends in the free States, and by giving them time to make the question. with the people there, such reaction in public opinion might take place as to secure our rights and save the government."
But while they looked thus coldly upon secession they incon sistently discountenanced coercion. James Guthrie, at a Union meeting on the 19th of April, opposed the call of the President for volunteers for the purposes of coercion, or the raising of troops for the Confederacy; asserted that secession was no remedy for the pending evils, and that Kentucky would not take part with either side; at the same time declaring her soil sacred against the hostile foot of either. When the President made his call for troops, the governor sent for reply this insolent message: "Your despatch is received. In answer, I say emphatically, Kentucky will furnish no troops for the wicked purpose of subduing her sister Southern States." On the 20th of May he issued a proclamation of neutrality in which he used
"I hereby notify and warn all other States, separate or united, especially the United and Confederate States, that I solemnly forbid any movement upon Kentucky soil, or occupation of any post or place therein, for any purposes whatever, until authorized by invitation or permission of the legislature and executive authorities. I especially forbid all citizens of Kentucky, whether incorporated in the State guard or otherwise, from making any hostile demonstrations against any of the aforesaid sovereignties."
But neither the people nor the legislature sympathized with the governor, and as the struggle progressed the sympathy became less, until before many months of the war had transpired, the legislature voted that Confederate "invaders must be expelled," and the State wheeled into line for the defence of the Union, coupling, however, its resolution with the affirmation that "no citizen shall be molested on account of political opinions; that no citizen's property shall be confiscated because of such opinions, nor shall any slave be set free by any military commander."
Missouri had nearly one hundred and fifteen thousand slaves, a large portion of whom were held within a few miles of the Missouri River. Her slaveholders were wealthy, powerful, and aristocratic; and they wielded at that time a great influence over the small farmers of the poorer sections of the State. But there were facts and features of her situation, other than this general division, which exerted an important, if not a controlling, influence upon the fortunes of the State, and gave great intensity to the conflict. A border State, central in position and imperial in size and resources, it had invited immigrations from both sections, with their conflicting passions, prejudices, and interests, the former greatly intensified by the terrible struggle in Kansas still fresh in memory. Though the antislavery men had triumphed in that struggle, the proslavery men had not been converted. The "border ruffian" sentiment still largely prevailed. While in those portions that bordered on Illinois, Iowa, and Kansas the former preponderated, and in those lying on the borders of Arkansas and Kentucky the latter was in the ascendant, the two were com
mingled through the State, so that every town and village was divided into hostile camps, ready, if not waiting, for anything to revive their passions and purposes, and quicken into activity what was at best only slumbering. That provoking cause was found in the Rebellion and in the appeals of the Federal and Confederate governments. Hostilities at once broke out everywhere, and public conflicts were largely mingled with personal feuds. Though ostensibly, and in some sense really, responding to these outside appeals, Missouri was largely occupied with her own affairs, and became, in the words of another, "a kind of enclosed battle-field, where the struggle was carried on with scarcely any knowledge of the vicissitudes of the fighting in the neighboring States." Most of the slaveholders were in sympathy with the gov ernor, who thus gave expression to his sentiments in his message. "Our interests and sympathies," he said, "are identical with those of the slaveholding States, and necessarily unite our destinies with theirs. The similarity of our social and political institutions, our industrial interests, our sympathies, habits, and tastes, our common origin, territorial congruity, all concur in pointing out our duty in regard to the separation now taking place between the States of the old Federal Union." He recommended the calling of a convention, and the legislature, by a large majority, voted therefor. The result of the election of delegates was the choice of a decided majority of Union men. A commissioner of Georgia came before the convention, urging upon it the policy of co-operation with the seceding States; but his invitation was kindly, though firmly declined. This action revealed the temper not only of that body, but of the people, whom it very fairly represented. But notwithstanding this undoubted evidence of the popular will, the governor and the leading disunionists were unwearied in their efforts to dragoon the State into the Rebellion.
But, providentially, there were earnest and able men whose patriotism was as conspicuous as was the treason of the governor and his allies, who, by their wise precautions and preparations, succeeded in checkmating their traitorous schemes and in keeping the State in the Union. Among those who
were most active and serviceable were Francis P. Blair, Jr., and Captain Nathaniel Lyon. The former had been chosen a Representative to Congress from the city of St. Louis. He promptly raised a regiment on the call of the President for troops. Other regiments were raised in that city in behalf of the government, and earnest efforts were made to be prepared for the threatened emergencies. The arsenal in Western Missouri was seized to arm the confederates; but the government arsenal was held by Captain Nathaniel Lyon, with a few hundred soldiers of the regular army. He was an earnest antislavery man, a loyal and brave soldier, and he took prompt means to save the government stores and munitions of war intrusted to his command. The military stores not needed were quietly transferred to Illinois. On the 10th of May Captain Lyon and Colonel Blair surrounded a State guard organizing at Camp Jackson under General D. M. Frost, and demanded the surrender of that Rebel force. For this brave act Lyon was made brigadier-general, and soon succeeded. General Wm. S. Harney, who had made a truce with General Price which proved to have been in the interest of the Rebellion, and which was repudiated at Washington. The governor issued a proclamation calling for fifty thousand militia to repel the authority of the government, and he advised the people of that State that their first allegiance was due their own State, and that they were under no obligations whatever to obey "the unconstitutional edicts of the military despotism which has introduced itself at Washington. He called upon the Missourians to "rise and drive out ignominiously their invaders." This, however, was never accomplished, and Missouri never seceded from the Union. To prevent it, however, required a long, weary, distressing, and often doubtful struggle, marked by the usual vicissitudes of war, but brightened by many examples of patriotic devotion, personal prowess, and a successful strategy that defeated the counsels of the conspirators, and saved the State.