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eign States." In response to this declaration, Mr. Hickman of Pennsylvania said that the secessionists, who believed that they had a right to declare themselves out of the pale of legitimate government when it suited their interest, or whenever it was in accordance with their passions, were to be taught with a strong hand that they must regard the Constitution and laws. "We, the people of the North," he said, "of the loyal States, and all who act with the North, intend to educate these men into a different doctrine; and if we shall eventually be forced to bring them into subjection, abject subjection to the United States,. ... it will be their fault and not ours." Mr. Campbell of the same State declared that he would give the executive all power; that he would "darken the ocean with our fleets and cover the land with our armies."
On the other hand, it was maintained by Mr. Burnett of Kentucky that the object of the war was the subjugation of the Southern States, and he boasted that the legislature of his State had almost unanimously indorsed the action of the governor in refusing to give men in response to the President's proclamation. Mr. McClernand of Illinois moved to reduce the appropriation to sustain the army to one hundred million dollars. Declaring his readiness to vote what was required "to enable the executive to sustain the government, not to subjugate the South," Mr. Cox of Ohio avowed his purpose to vote for the amendment. But it was rejected. It was then moved, by Mr. Vallandigham of the same State, that before the President should have the right to call out more volunteers, he should appoint seven commissioners to accompany the army and to receive such propositions as might be submitted by the executives of the Southern States, or any one of them, to the Union. He avowed himself in favor of the suspension of hostilities to try the temper of the South. Mr. Hutchins of the same State moved to amend this proposition. so that the commissioners should "see that the war is vigorously prosecuted to the effectual putting down of this Rebellion." Mr. Wright, a Democratic member from Pennsylvania, declared with great emphasis that the amendment of Mr. Vallandigham held "out to rebellious men a reward for their
treason." The amendment was rejected, receiving but twentyone votes. Mr. Burnett offered a proviso that the military force provided for in the act should "not be employed in subjugating and holding afterward, as a conquered foe, any sovereign State now or lately one of the United States." The bill was then passed without a division.
On the 16th Mr. Blair reported the Senate bill, authorizing the employment of volunteers, with the House bill as an amendment. The amendment was agreed to, and the bill passed. The Senate, the next day, on motion of Mr. Wilson, disagreed to the amendment of the House; that body insisting, a committee of conference was appointed. On the 18th Mr. Wilson and Mr. Blair, chairmen of the Senate and House committees of conference, made reports. These reports were concurred in. The House receded, and the bill introduced by Mr. Wilson on the 6th of July, authorizing the employment of five hundred thousand volunteers, was passed on the 18th and approved on the 22d.
On the 13th the Senate proceeded to the consideration of a bill, introduced by Mr. Wilson, adding eleven regiments to the regular army and increasing the number of men in the old regiments. After debate, in which King, Grimes, and others expressed their hostility to a permanent increase of the regular army, the bill was passed. In the House, Mr. Blair reported a bill which was in substance the Senate bill, though it converted the new regiments into a volunteer force, Mr. Blair stating that the Military Committee were unanimously opposed to increasing the regular army; but as something had been done by the Secretary of War in the organization of new regiments, the committee had stripped the organization of that feature which made it repugnant to the people,—a large standing army. Mr. Burnett of Kentucky, who soon after joined the Rebels, and became a member of the Confederate Congress, although his State refused to secede, protested against Kentucky's being called upon to furnish one man or one dollar to carry on the war. He declared that the President, in organizing military forces, had exercised powers that would have deprived any despot in Europe of his
crown. Mr. Holman, a Democratic member from Indiana, declared with marked emphasis that Bennett, Vallandigham, and others misapprehended the spirit of the country; that there never was an hour when the people intended to submit to the overthrow of the Union; and that, in their moderation and forbearance, he saw the evidence of an "unwavering purpose, the anchor of enduring hope." "If in this emergency,"
he said, "the administration had hesitated, the storm of indignation, irresistible as the sand-storm on the Lybian desert, would have swept it away." The bill was then passed, but it was not taken up in the Senate. On the 18th Mr. Blair reported the Senate bill to increase the regular army, and the House amended it by converting the regiments from regulars into volunteers. On the 22d the Senate proceeded to the consideration of the House amendment. Mr. Wilson declared that the amendment effectually destroyed the measure, and if it was sustained by the Senate, the bill had better at once be abandoned. The Senate refused to concur in the amendment, and, the House adhering, committees of conference were appointed. The House receded from its amendments, and the bill to increase the regular army was passed with an amendment that it should be reduced at the close of the war; and it received the approval of the President on the 29th.
The bill providing for the better organization of the regular army, in eighteen sections, was reported from the Committee on Military Affairs, by Mr. Wilson, on the 10th. Mr. Powell of Kentucky moved an amendment providing that no part of the army or navy of the United States should be used for subjugating any sovereign State, "or in abolishing or interfering with African slavery in any of the States." Mr. Lane of Kansas proposed to amend the amendment by adding the words, "unless a military necessity shall exist for maintaining the Constitution"; but it was rejected. Mr. Sherman moved to strike out all of Mr. Powell's amendment, and to insert the words: "the purposes of the military establishment provided for in this act are to preserve the Union, to defend the property and maintain the constitutional authority of the government." Mr. Breckinridge proposed to add to Mr. Sherman's
amendment the words: "but the army and navy shall not be employed to subjugate any State to reduce it to the condition of a Territory or province, or to abolish slavery therein." But the amendment was rejected, nine Senators only voting for it. Mr. Sherman's amendment was agreed to, and the original amendment, as amended, was rejected, and the bill passed. The bill was amended in the House; but, the Senate refusing to concur in the amendments, committees of conference were appointed, the House receded from its amendments, and the Senate bill became a law, by the signature of the President, on the 3d of August.
On the 22d of July, the day after the battle of Bull Run, Mr. Wilson introduced a bill in addition to the act for the employment of volunteers. On the next day the Senate proceeded to its consideration, and, on motion of Mr. Wilson, it was amended by adding that the number of troops thereby authorized should not exceed five hundred thousand men. The bill authorizing the addition to the volunteer forces of half a million of men passed the Senate without a division, and the House with only fifteen dissenting votes, and it be came a law on the 25th of July.
On the 8th of July Mr. Wilson reported from the Committee on Military Affairs a resolution setting forth the facts that the proclamation and orders of the President had been without the authority of law, and providing that these extraor dinary proclamations and orders be "approved and declared to be in all respects legal and valid to the same intent and with the same effect as if they had been issued and done under the previous and express authority of Congress." Mr. Lane of Indiana, saying that he had voted to report the resolution, added: "The red right hand of armed rebellion was raised to strike down the government under which we live,the freest, happiest, grandest government upon earth,- and the President was suddenly called upon to put down this armed rebellion. Every effort which he has made to that purpose meets my most hearty co-operation and support."
Mr. Kennedy of Maryland, on the other hand, expressed his solemn conviction that the Union would never be reconstructed
by the sword, and he asked if any reason could be given for the suspension of the habeas corpus in Maryland. Mr. Wilson replied, that a band of conspirators, who shot down in the streets of Baltimore brave men who were rallying to the call of their country, to defend the capital of the nation, afforded a complete justification of the President in authorizing General Scott to suspend the writ in and around that city. "If there ever was," he said, "in any portion of the Republic, any spot of earth, or any time where and when the writ of habeas corpus ought to be suspended, the city of Baltimore was the spot, and the last few weeks the time, for its suspension." Mr. Baker of Oregon, a member of the committee, speaking of the series of measures reported by Mr. Wilson, said he did not know when peace would be conquered, but he did know that "the determined, aggregated power of the people of this country, all its treasure, all its arms, all its blood, all its enthusiasm, concentrated, poured out in one mass of living valor on the foe, will conquer." "I sanction and approve," said Mr. Lane of Indiana, "everything the President has done during the recess of Congress, and the people sanction and approve it." Polk of Missouri, Bayard of Delaware, Latham of California opposed the resolution. Mr. Powell said, that, instead of approving these wanton and palpable violations of the Constitution by the executive, the officers who committed these usurpations should be arraigned at the bar of the Senate. Mr. Breckinridge said sneeringly that the country should understand that "the Constitution of the United States is no longer to be held as the measure of power on the one side and of obedience on the other, but that it is to be put aside to carry out the purposes of the majority."
Mr. Johnson of Tennessee pronounced the cause of the Rebellion to be "disappointed, impatient, unhallowed ambition." "Certain men," he said, "could not wait any longer, and they seized the occasion to do what they had been wanting to do for a long time, break up the government. If they could not rule a large country, they thought they could rule a small one." Referring to a declaration of Toombs, that when traitors become numerous enough, treason becomes respectable, he