6. METHODIST EPISCOPACY.--We now proceed to notice the advantages of the polity adopted by the Methodist Episcopal Church. And in doing so, it will be necessary to diverge more or less from the main feature of the system, namely, the episcopacy itself. In the examination of these points, it will, no doubt, be perceived by the reader, that while our church polity secures strength and vitality on the one hand, it also secures the rights and privileges of every member and minister in the church, on the other; that it combines whatever is excellent in other systems, and discards what are acknowledged to be serious defects in those systems.

It should be remembered that Methodism is aggressive in its character and operations. Its great object is not to provide fat parishes for its priests, or rich dioceses for its bishops; not to decorate its ministers and altars with flowing drapery, or splendid vestments, not to minister to the vitiated taste of a cold and heartless congregation; or to sit down in ease and enjoy the good things of this life; but to "spread scriptural holiness" over the world; to wage war with sin, and to carry the battle even to the gates of hell. Its object is to go to the sinner and invite him to Christ; if he accepts the invitation, then to lead him into the audience-chamber of the King of kings; if he finds mercy-as we know he will, if sincere-then lead him into "green pastures, and by the side of still waters," that he may "grow in grace, and in the knowledge of the truth;" to place safeguards around him, that he may not fall a prey to the adversary; to place before him such incentives to piety, and such inducements to holiness, as shall prompt him to make his "calling and election sure." All this is the proper work of the ministry, and instead of waiting until the invitation is given to come and preach in some snug little parish church, the Methodist itinerant receives his commission to “go into all the world;" to "go into the highways and hedges, and compel men to come in." Such is the object of Methodism.

But to accomplish these desirable results, a mode of opera

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tion must be pursued, which will be likely to secure the end in view, and such instruments must be employed as shall be willing not only to endure the necessary hardships, and make the necessary sacrifices, but who are otherwise qualified for the great work of saving souls. Such a mode of operation is found in the itinerant system of Methodism, and such instruments are found in the thousands of ministers who have many of them literally "forsaken all for Christ's sake, and the gospel's," and the thousands and millions who have been converted to God through such instrumentalities, afford abundant evidence of the efficiency of the system by which they have been brought into the fold of Christ.

To preserve these sheep, to save these lambs, pastors must be provided, and government must be instituted. How shall these pastors be appointed; and what form of government shall be instituted? Shall we allow each individual sheep to select its own shepherd? Then we might have as many shepherds as there are sheep. Shall we institute a form of government similar to the Romish Episcopacy? This would be both unscriptural and dangerous. Shall we select the English Episcopal form? This certainly could not be tolerated in a land of freedom. Shall we choose the Protestant Episcopal mode of government? This would be to allow persons who are not even communicants of our own, or any other church, to make our laws, and frame our church polity for us-yea, even infidels and avowed skeptics might meet in "solemn conclave," to enact laws for the government of the "body of Christ.” Shall we submit to the Presbyterian form of church government? This would destroy at once the aggressive character of the church. Shall we then adopt the congregational mode? This would not only destroy the connectional principle, but would be fatal to the itinerant system. No! we will combine together, if possible, the excellences of each, and discard that which is unfit for the government of Christ's flock. We will have a general superintendency, without the usual pomp and

trappings of a lordly hierarchy. We will have a ministry who will fulfil their commission without waiting for a call" to the more able parishes. We will have a system of government that will preclude the despotism of Rome, and the anarchy of pure independency.

Such is the system of government as adopted in the Methodist Episcopal Church, and the reader who will peruse the succeeding sections of this work, will not fail to be struck with the admirable arrangement of the whole superstructure, and the perfect adaptation of all the parts to each other, so that from the bishop down to the most humble member, the rights of all are fully and perfectly secured.

Objections have been urged against the system thus adopted, because of the absence of lay delegates in the general and annual conferences. In reference, however, to the latter bodies, scarcely any reply need be made to the objection, as it is a wellknown fact, that the business transacted by such bodies, is púrely ministerial in its character; and what good end could be secured by a lay delegation, we have yet to learn. In relation to a delegation of lay members in the General Conference, it may be necessary to say that the greater part of the business here transacted, relates almost exclusively to the preachers; but besides, the plan of having a lay delegation in the General Conference, would be utterly impracticable. In a church as large as the Methodist Episcopal Church, the num ber of ministerial delegates must necessarily be large, in order to have a fair representation of the different portions of the church; and indeed the attendance now is so large as to make it a serious tax on the time and hospitality of the inhabitants of the place where the conference is held. Now, if we were to double or treble the number in attendance, it would proportionably increase the burden. These delegates must also come from all parts of the church, thousands of miles distant; to do this, a vast amount of expense must be met, and who will meet such additional outlays? Will the delegates pay their own

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expenses? Then shall we make rich men necessary to us, while the poor, because of his poverty, will have the privilege of staying at home. Besides, our lay members generally belong to the humbler ranks in society; true, we have some judges, and lawyers, and distinguished statesmen, and physicians, who are worthy members of the church, and who have the pecuniary ability to pay their own expenses, but their time is more properly, and perhaps more profitably spent in attending to the duties of their professions, than in spending weeks, perhaps months, in hearing the appeals of preachers, and listening to the arguments of divines.

There is still another consideration which outweighs all others in relation to lay representation, and that is its absolute impossibility. To have a fair and proportionate number of clerical and lay delegates, would require both classes to be represented in an equal ratio; that is, for instance: one clerical delegate for every twenty-one ministers; and one lay delegate for every twenty-one members. This would give us, according to our present numbers in the church, about two hundred clerical delegates, and over thirty-three thousand lay delegates! But suppose we make the ratio of representation one delegate for every thousand ministers and members; then should we have four ministerial delegates, to seven hundred lay delegates. As we find the delegation to be still rather large, supposing we make the ratio one for every five thousand; then we have of ministerial delegates, NONE! and of lay delegates one hundred and forty!

There are still other considerations which might be presented as reasons for rejecting the practice of a lay delegation in the councils of the church; one or two only we will name, and drop the subject. A lay delegation would inevitably produce the spirit and practice of electioneering in the primary bodies. of the church, thus keeping the body in a continual state of agitation, producing discord and dissensions among brethren. It would also beget a spirit of vain-glory, by raising one mem

ber above another. It would be attended with so much inconvenience, as to be totally impracticable in its operations, and it would tend to secularize the church of God, by appointing men for its legislators and governors, who are purely secular in their calling and profession; and lastly, the practice has been faithfully tried in other Methodist bodies, and has not answered the expectations of its warmest friends. Hence, we had better leave the matter as it is, praying that God may always preserve the councils of the church from adopting any measures that shall not be promotive of his glory, and the good of mankind.

In the further examination of the polity of Episcopal Methodism, we propose to confine ourselves mostly to the matter found in the Book of Discipline, and to select such portions of the same, as will throw light on the subject, while we will purposely omit everything that is not needed for this purpose, and add any explanatory remarks which we may think necessary to a better understanding of the same.