this occasion. Antiochus had been taken on his weak side; a low and sordid jealousy, which is the defect and characteristic of little minds, extinguished every generous sentiment in that monarch. Hannibal was now slighted and laid aside; he however, was greatly revenged on Antiochus, by the ill success this prince met with, who showed how unfortunate that king is, whose soul is accessible to envy, and his ears open to the poisonous insinuation of flatterers. In a council held some time after, to which Hannibal, for form's sake, was admitted, he, when it came to his turn to speak, endeavoured chiefly to prove that Philip of Macedon ought, on any terms, to be invited into the alliance of Antiochus, which was not so difficult as might be imagined. "With regard,” says Hannibal, "to the operations of the war, I adhere immoveably to my first opinion; and had my counsels been listened to before, Tuscany and Li guria would now be all in a flame, had Hannibal, a name that strikes terror into the Romans, been in Italy. Though I should not be very well skilled as to other matters, yet the good and ill success I have met with, must necessarily have taught me sufficiently how to carry on a war against the Romans. I have nothing now in my power, but to give you my counsel, and offer you my service. May the gods give success to all your undertakings,' Hannibal's speech was received with applause, but not one of his counsels were put in execution.* : Antiochus, imposed upon and lulled to sleep by his flatterers, remained quiet at Ephesus, after the Romans had driven him out of Greece; not once imagining that they would ever invade his dominions.† Hannibal, who was now restored to favour, was for ever assuring him, that the war would soon be removed into Asia, and that he would see the enemy at his gates that he must resolve either to abdicate his throne, or vigorously oppose a people who grasped at the empire of the world. This discourse waked, in some measure, the king out of his lethargy, and prompted him to make some weak efforts. But, as his conduct was unsteady, after sustaining a great many considerable losses, he was forced to terminate the war by an ignominious peace; one of the arti cles of which was, that he should deliver up Hannibal to the Romans. The latter, however, did not give him an opportunity to put it in execution, retiring to the island of Crete, to consider there what course would be best for him to take. The riches he had brought with him, of which the people of the island had got some notice, had like to have proved his ruin. Hannibal was never wanting in stratagems, and he had occasion to employ them now, to save both himself and his treasure. He filled several vessels with molten lead, which he just covered with gold and silver. These he deposited in the temple of Diana, in presence of several Cretans, to whose honesty, he said, he confided all his treasure. A strong guard was then posted on the temple, and Hannibal left at full liberty, from a supposition that his riches were secured. But he had concealed them in hollow statues of brass,§ which he always carried along with him. And then, embracing a favourable opportunity he had of making his escape, he fled to the court of Prusias, king of Bithynia. It appears from history, that he made some stay in the court of this prince, who soon engaged in war with Eumenes, king of Pergamus, a professed friend to the Romans. By the aid of Hannibal, the troops of king Prusias gained several victories by land and sea. He employed a stratagem of an extraordinary kind, in a sea fight.¶ The enemy's fleet consisting of more ships than his, he had recourse to artifice. He put into earthen vessels all kinds of serpents, and ordered these vessels to be thrown into the enemy's ships. His chief aim in this was to destroy Eumenes, and for that purpose it was necessary for him to find out which ship he Liv. l. xxxvi. n. 7. † Liv. 1. xxxvi. n. 41. Corn. Nep. in Annib. c. 9, 10. Justin. I. xxxii. c. 4 These statues were thrown out by him, in a place of public resort, as things of little value.-Corn. Nep A. M. 3820. A. Rome, 564. Corn. Nep. in Annib. c. 10, 11. Justin. 1. xxxiii. c. 4. ¶ Justin. 1. xxxii. c. 4. Corn. Nep. in Vit. Annib. VOL. I. was on board of. This Hannibal discovered, by sending out a boat, upon prétence of conveying a letter to him. Having gained his point thus far, he ordered the commanders of the respective vessels to direct the greatest force of their attacks against Eumenes' ship. They obeyed, and would have taken it, had he not outsailed his pursuers. The rest of the ships of Pergamus sustained the fight with great vigour, till the earthen vessels had been thrown into them. At first they only laughed at this, and were very much surprised to find such weapons employed against them. But seeing themselves surrounded with serpents which flew out of these vessels when they broke to pieces, they were seized with dread, retired in disorder, and yielded the victory to the enemy. Services of so important a nature, seemed to secure for ever to Hannioa. an undisturbed asylum at that prince's court. The Romans however, would not suffer him to be easy there, but deputed Q. Flaminius to Prusias, to complain of the protection he gave Hannibal.* The latter readily conjectured the motive of this embassy, and therefore did not wait till his enemies had an oppor tunity of delivering him up. At first he attempted to secure himself by flight, but perceiving that the seven secret outlets which he had contrived in his palace were all seized by the soldiers of Prusias, who, by this perfidy, was desirous of making his court to the Romans, he ordered the poison, which he had long kept for this melancholy occasion, to be brought him; and, taking it in his hand, "let us," said he, "free the Romans from the disquiet with which they have been so long tortured, since they have not patience to wait for an old man's death. The victory which Flaminius gains over a naked, and betrayed man, will not do him much honour. This single day will be a lasting testimony of the great degeneracy of the Romans. Their fathers sent notice to Pyrrhus, to desire he would beware of a traitor who intended to poison him, and that at a time when this prince was at war with them in the very centre of Italy; but their sons have deputed a person of consular dignity to instigate Prusias impiously to murder one who is not only his friend, but his guest." After calling down curses upon Prusias, and having invoked the gods, the protectors and avengers of the sacred rights of hospitality, he swallowed the poison, and died at seventy years of age. This year was remarkable for the death of three great men, Hannibal, Philopomen, and Scipio, who it is worthy of notice all died out of their native countries, in a manner far from corresponding to the glory of their actions. The two first died by poison: Hannibal was betrayed by his host; and Philopomen being taken prisoner in a battle against the Messinians, and thrown into a dungeon, was forced to swallow a dose of poison. As to Scipio, he banished himself, to avoid an unjust prosecution which was carrying on against him at Rome, and ended his days in a kind of obscurity. THE CHARACTER AND EULOGIUM OF HANNIBAL. THIS Would be the proper place for representing the excellent qualities of Hannibal, who reflected so much glory on Carthage. But, as I have attempted to draw his character elsewhere, and to give a just idea of him, by making a comparison between him and Scipio, I think it unnecessary to give his eulogium at large in this place. Persons who devote themselves to the profession of arms, cannot spend too much time in the study of this great man, who is looked upon, by the best judges, as the most complete general, in almost every respect, that ever the world produced. * A. M. 3822. A. Rome, 566. Liv. 1. xxxix n. 51. Plutarch, according to his custom, assigns him three different deaths. Some, says he, relate, that having wrapped his cloak about his neck, he ordered his servant to fix his knees against his buttocks, and not to leave twisting till he had strangled him. Others say, that in imitation of Themistocles and Midas, he drank bull's blood. Livy tells us, that Hannibal drank a poison which he always carried about himy and taking the cup into his hands, cried, "Let us free," &c.-In Vita Flaminii. Vol. II. Of the method of studying and teaching the Belles Lettres. During the whole seventeen years, (the time the war lasted,) two errors only are objected to him; first, his not marching, immediately after the battle of Cannæ, his victorious army to Rome, in order to besiege that city; secondly, his suffering their courage to be softened and enervated, during their winterquarters in Capua; errors, which only show that great men are not so in all things, summi enim sunt homines tamen,* and which, perhaps, may be partly excused. But then, for these two errors, what a multitude of shining qualities appear in Hannibal! How extensive were his views and designs, even in his most tender years! What greatness of soul! what intrepidity! what presence of mind must he have possessed, to be able, even in the fire and heat of action, to take all advantages? With what surprising address must he have managed the minds of men, that amidst so great a variety of nations as composed his army, who often were in want both of money and provisions, his camp was not once disturbed with an insurrection, either against himself or any of his generals! With what equity, what moderation, must he have behaved towards his new allies, to have prevailed so far, as to attach them inviolably to his service, though he was reduced to the necessity of making them sustain almost the whole burden of the war, by quartering his army upon them, and levying contributions in their several countries! In fine, how fruitful must he have been in expedients, to be able to carry on, for so many years, the war in a remote country, in spite of the violent opposition made by a powerful domestic faction, which refused him supplies of every kind, and thwarted him on all occasions! It may be affirmed, that Hannibal, during the whole series of this war, seemed the only prop of the state, and the soul of every part of the empire of the Carthaginians, who could never believe themselves conquered, till Hannibal confessed that he himself was so. But that man must know the character of Hannibal very imperfectly, who should consider him only at the head of armies. The particulars we learn from history, concerning the secret intelligence he held with Philip of Macedon; the wise counsels he gave to Antiochus, king of Syria; the double regulation he introduced in Carthage, with regard to the management of the public revenues and the administration of justice, prove that he was a great statesman in every respect. So superior and universal was his genius, that it took in all parts of government; and so great were his natural abilities, that he was capable of acquitting himself in all the various functions of it with glory. Hannibal shone as conspicuously in the cabinet as in the field; equally able to fill civil or military employments. In a word, he united in his own person, the different talents and merits of all professions, the sword, the gown, and the finances. He had some learning; and though he was so much employed in military labours, and engaged in so many wars, he, however, found leisure to cultivate the muses. Several smart repartees of Hannibal, which have been transmit ted to us, show that he had a great fund of natural wit; and this he improved, by the most polite education that could be bestowed at that time, in such a republic as Carthage. He spoke Greek tolerably well, and wrote several books in that language. His preceptor was a Lacedæmonian, (Solsius,) who, with Philenius, another Lacedæmonian, accompanied him in all his expeditions. Both these undertook to write the history of this renowned warrior. With regard to his religion and moral conduct, he was not so profligate and wicked as he is represented by Livy; "cruel even to inhumanity; more perfidious than a Carthaginian; regardless of truth, of probity, of the sacred ties of oaths; fearless of the gods, and utterly void of religion." Inhumana crudelitas, perfidia plusquam Punica: nihil veri, nihil sancti, nullus deum metus, nullum jus jurandum, nulla religio. According to Polybius, he rejected a barbarous proposal that was made to him, before he entered Italy, of eating * Quinctil. † Atque hic tantus vir, tantisque bellis distractus, nonnihil temporis tribuit literis, &c.-Corn. Nep. in Vita Annib. cap. 13. Liv. 1. xxi. n. 4. human flesh, at a time when his army was in absolute want of provisions.* Some years after, so far from treating with barbarity, as he was advised to do, the dead body of Sempronius Gracchus, which Mago had sent him, he caused his funeral obsequies to be solemnized in presence of the whole army.† We have seen him, on many occasions, showing the highest reverence for the gods; and Justin, who copied Trogus Pompeius, an author worthy of credit, observes that he always showed uncommon wisdom and continence, with regard to the great number of women taken by him during the course of so long a war; insomuch, that no one would have imagined he had been born in Africa, where incontinence is the predominant vice of the country. Pudicitiamque eum tantum inter tot captivas habuisse, ut in Africa natum quivis negaret.‡ His disregard of wealth at a time when he had so many opportunities to enrich himself, by the plunder of the cities he stormed, and the nations he subdued, shows, that he knew the true and genuine use which a general ought to make of riches, viz. to gain the affection of his soldiers, and to attach allies to his interest, by diffusing his beneficence on proper occasions, and not being sparing in his rewards; a very essential quality, but very uncommon in a commander. The only use Hannibal made of money was to purchase success; firmly persuaded, that a man who is at the head of affairs is sufficiently recompensed by the glory derived from victory. He always led a very regular, austere life; and even in times of peace, and in the midst of Carthage, when he was invested with the first dignity of the city, we are told that he never used to recline himself on a bed at meals, as was the custom in those ages, and drank but very little wine.§ So regular and uniform a life may serve as an illustrious example to our commanders, who often include among the privileges of war, and the duty of officers, the keep, ing of splendid tables, and luxurious living. But, notwithstanding those eulogiums, I do not, however, pretend to justify entirely all the errors and defects with which Hannibal is charged. Though he possessed an assemblage of the most exalted qualities, it cannot be denied that he had some little tincture of the vices of his country: and that it would be difficult to excuse some actions and circumstances of his life. Polybius observes, that Hannibal was accused of avarice in Carthage, and of cruelty in Rome. He adds, on the same occasion, that people were very much divided in opinion concerning him; and it would be no wonder, as he had made himself so many enemies in both cities, that they should have drawn him in disadvantageous colours. But Polybius is of opinion, that though it should be taken for granted, that all the defects, with which he is charged are true, we yet ought to conclude, that they were not so much owing to his nature and disposition, as to the difficulties with which he was surrounded in the course of so long and laborious a war; and to the complacency he was obliged to show to the general officers, whose assistance he absolutely wanted for the execu tion of his various enterprises; and whom he was not always able to restrain, any more than he could the soldiers who fought under them. SECTION II.-DISSENSIONS BETWEEN THE CARTHAGINIANS AND MASINISSA, KING OF NUMIDIA. AMONG the conditions of the peace granted to the Carthaginians, there was one which imported, that they should restore to Masinissa all the territories and cities he possessed before the war; and Scipio, to reward the zeal and fidelity which that monarch had shown with regard to the Romans, had also added to his dominions those of Syphax. This presently afterwards gave rise to disputes and quarrels between the Carthaginians and Numidians. Lib. xxxii. c. 4. Excerpt. e Polyb. p. 33. Excerpt. e Diod. p. 282. Liv. l. xxv. n. 17. Cibi potionisque, desiderio naturali, non voluptate, modus finitus.-Liv. 1. xxi. n. 4. Constat Annibalem nec tum cum Romano tonantem bello Italia contremuit, nec cum reversus Carthagi nem summum imperium tenuit, aut cubantem cœnasse, aut plus quam sextario vin indulsisse.-Justin l xxxij. c. 4. Excerpt. e Polyb p. 34, 37. These two princes, Syphax and Masinissa, were both kings in Numidia, but reigned in different parts of it. The subjects of Syphax were called Masæsuli, and their capital was Cirtha. Those of Masinissa were the Massyli; but both these nations are better known by the name of Numidians, which was common to them. Their principal strength consisted in their cavalry. They always rode without saddles, and some even without bridles, whence Virgil called them Numida infrani.* In the beginning of the second Punic war, Syphax adhering to the Romans, Gala, the father of Masinissa, to check the career of so powerful a neighbour, thought it his interest to join the Carthaginians, and accordingly sent out against Syphax a powerful army, under the conduct of his son, at that time but seventeen years of age. Syphax being overcome in a battle, in which it is said he lost thirty thousand men, escaped into Mauritania. The face of things, however, was afterwards greatly changed. Masinissa, after his father's death, was often reduced to the brink of rain; being driven from his kingdom by an usurper; closely pursued by Syphax; in danger every instant of falling into the hands of his enemies; and destitute of forces, money, and almost every thing. He was at that time in alliance with the Romans, and the friend of Scipio, with whom he had an interview in Spain. His misfortunes would not permit him to bring great succours to that general. When Lælius arrived in Africa, Masinissa joined him with a few horse, and from that time was inviolably attached to the Roman interest.§ Syphax, on the contrary, having married the famous Sophonisba, daughter of Asdrubal, went over to the Carthaginians. The fortune of these two princes now underwent a final change. Syphax lost a great battle, and was taken alive by the enemy. Masinissa, the victor, besieged Cirtha, his capital, and took it. But he met with a greater danger in that city than he had faced in the field, in the charms and endearments of Sophonisba, which he was unable to resist. To secure this princess to himself he married her; but a few days after, he was obliged to send her a dose of poison, as her nuptial present; this being the only way left him to keep his promise with his queen, and preserve her from the power of the Romans. This was a great fault in itself, and must necessarily have disobliged a nation that was so jealous of its authority: but this young prince repaired it gloriously by the signal services he afterwards rendered Scipio. We observed, that after the defeat and capture of Syphax, the dominions of this prince were bestowed upon him; and that the Carthaginians were forced to restore all he possessed before. This gave rise to the divisions we are now about to relate. A territory situated towards the sea-side, near the Lesser Syrtis, was the subject of those contests.** The country was very rich, and the soil extremely fruitful, a proof of which is, that the city of Leptis only, which belonged to that territory, paid daily a talent to the Carthaginians, by way of tribute. Masinissa had seized part of this territory. Each side despatched deputies to Rome, to plead the cause of their superiors before the senate. This assembly thought proper to send Scipio Africanus, with two other commissioners, to examine the controversy upon the spot. However, they returned without coming to any resolution, and left the business in the same uncertain state in which they had found it. Possibly they acted in this manner by order of the senate, and had received private instructions to favour Masinissa, who was then possessed of the district in question. Ten years after, new commissioners having been appointed to examine the same affair, they acted as the former had done, and left the whole undetermined.tt After the like distance of time, the Carthaginians again brought their complaint to the senate, but with greater importunity than before. They repre n. l. iv, ver, 41. Liv. 1. xxx. n. 11, 12. + Liv. 1. xxiv. n. 48, 49. Liv. l. xxix. n. 29.-34. Liv. I. xxix. n. 23. 1 A. M. 3823. A. Rome, 567. Liv, 1. xl. n. 17. |