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the Dutch, and succeeded as well, for the same rea


I have here imputed the continuance of the war to the mutual indulgence between our general and allies, wherein they both so well found their ac counts; to the fears of the moneychangers, lest their tables should be overthrown; to the designs of the whigs, who apprehended the loss of their credit and employments in a peace; and to those at home, who held their immoderate engrossments of power and favour by no other tenure, than their own presumption upon the necessity of affairs. The truth of this will appear indisputable, by considering with what unanimity and concert these several parties acted toward that great end.

When the vote passed in the house of lords against any peace without Spain being restored* to the Austrian family, the earl of Wharton told the house, that it was indeed impossible and impracticable to recover Spain; but however, there were certain reasons why such a vote should be made at that time; which reasons wanted no explanation: for, the geperal and the ministry having refused to accept very advantageous offers of a peace, after the battle of Ramillies, were forced to take in a set of men with a previous bargain to skreen them from the consequences of that miscarriage. And accordingly, upon the first succeeding opportunity that fell, which was that of the prince of Denmark's death, the chief leaders of the party were brought into several great employments.

Thus, when the queen was no longer able to bear the tyranny and insolence of those ungrateful ser vants, who, as they waxed the fatter, did but kick the more; our two great allies abroad, and our stockjobbers at home, took immediate alarm; applied the

It should be without Spain's being restored" &c.or without the restoration of Spain to the Austrian family." S. Prince George of Denmark; husband to queen Anne. H.


nearest way to the throne, by memorials and messages jointly directing her majesty not to change her secretary or treasurer; who, for the true reasons that these officious intermeddlers demanded their continuance, ought never to have been admitted into the least degree of trust; since what they did was nothing less than betraying the interest of their native country, to those princes, who, in their turns, were to do what they could to support them in power at home.


Thus it plainly appears that there was a conspiracy on all sides to go on with those measures, which must perpetuate the war; and a conspiracy founded upon the interest and ambition of each party; which begat so firm a union, that, instead of wondering why it lasted so long, I am astonished to think how it came to be broken. The prudence, courage, and firmness of her majesty, in all the steps of that great change, would, if the particulars were truly related, make a very shining part in her story; nor is her judgment less to be admired, which directed her in the choice of perhaps the only persons, who had skill, credit, and resolution enough, to be her instruments in overthrowing so many difficulties.

Some would pretend to lessen the merit of this, by telling us that the rudeness, the tyranny, the oppression, the ingratitude of the late favourites toward their mistress, were no longer to be born. They produce instances to show her majesty was pursued through all her retreats, particularly at Windsor ; where, after the enemy had possessed themselves of every inch of ground, they at last attacked and stormed the castle, forcing the queen to fly to an adjoining cottage, pursuant to the advice of Solomon, who tells us, It is better to live on the house-top, than with a scolding woman in a large house." They would have it, that such continued ill usage was enough to inflame the meekest spirit. They blame


the favourites in point of policy, and think it nothing extraordinary, that the queen should be at the end of her patience, and resolve to discard them. But I am of another opinion, and think their proceedings were right. For, nothing is so apt to break even the bravest spirits, as a continual chain of oppressions; one injury is best defended by a second, and this by a third. By these steps, the old masters of the palace in France became masters of that kingdom* and by these steps, a general during pleasure might have grown into a general for life, and a general for life, into a king. So that I still insist upon it as a wonder, how her majesty, thus besieged on all sides, was able to extricate herself.

Having thus mentioned the real causes, although disguised under specious pretences, which have so long continued the war, I must beg leave to reason a little with those persons, who are against any peace but what they call a good one; and explain themselves, that no peace can be good, without an entire restoration of Spain to the house of Austria. It is to be supposed, that what I am to say upon this part of the subject, will have little influence on those, whose particular ends or designs of any sort lead them to wish the continuance of the war : I mean the general, and our allies abroad, the knot of late favourites at home, the body of such as traffick in stocks, and lastly, that set of factious politicians, who were so violently bent, at least upon clipping our constitution in church and state. Therefore I shall not apply myself to any of those, but to all others indifferently, whether whigs or tories, whose private interest is best answered by the welfare of their country. And if among these there be any who think we ought to fight on till king Charles be quietly settled in the monarchy of Spain, I believe there are


* See the Tale of a Tub. H.


several points which they have not thoroughly considered.

For, first, it is to be observed, that this resolution against any peace without Spain, is a new incident, grafted upon the original quarrel by the intrigues of a faction among us, who prevailed to give it the sanction of a vote in both houses of parliament, to justify those whose interest lay in perpetuating the war. And as this proceeding was against the practice of all princes and states, whose intentions were fair and honourable; so is it contrary to common prudence, as well as justice, I might add that it was impious too, by presuming to control events which are only in the hands of God. Ours, and the States complaint against France and Spain, are deduced in each of our declarations of war, and our pretensions specified in the eighth article of the grand alliance; but there is not in any of these the least mention of demanding Spain for the house of Austria, or of refusing any peace without that condition. Having already made an extract from both declarations of war, I shall here give a translation of the eighth article in the grand alliance, which will put this matter out of dispute.


WHEN the war is once undertaken, none of the parties shall have the liberty to enter upon a treaty of peace with the enemy, but jointly and in concert with the other. Nor is peace to be made without having first obtained a just and reasonable satisfaction for his Cæsarean majesty, and for his royal majesty of GreatBritain, and a particular security to the lords of the States-general, of their dominions, provinces, titles, navigation, and commerce: and a sufficient provision that the kingdoms of France and Spain be never

united, or come under the government of the same person, or that the same man may never be king of -both kingdoms; and particularly, that the French may never be in possession of the Spanish West Indies; and that they may not have the liberty of -navigation, for conveniency of trade, under any pretence whatsoever, neither directly nor indirectly; except it is agreed that the subjects of Great-Britain and Holland may have full power to use and enjoy all the same privileges, rights, immunities, and liberties of commerce, by land and sea, in Spain, in the Mediterranean, and in all the places and countries which the late king of Spain, at the time of his death, was in possession of, as well in Europe as elsewhere, as they did then use and enjoy; or which the subjects of both, or each nation could use and enjoy, by virtue of any right, obtained before the death of the said king of Spain, either by treaties, conventions, custom, or any other way whatsoever.

Here we see the demands intended to be insisted on by the allies upon any treaty of peace, are, a just and reasonable satisfaction for the emperor and king of Great-Britain, a security to the States-general for their dominions, &c. and a sufficient provision that France and Spain be never united under the same man, as king of both kingdoms. The rest relates to the liberty of trade and commerce for us and the Dutch; but not a syllable of engaging to dispossess the duke of Anjou.

But to know how this new language, of no peace without Spain, was first introduced, and at last prevailed among us, we must begin a great deal higher.

It was the partition treaty which begot the will in favour of the duke of Anjou; for this naturally led the Spaniards to receive a prince supported by a great

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