the yeere aforesaid." Hackluyt is very naturally and very justly angered because of the paucity of information to be had concerning this voyage, and he inveighs strongly against the ncgligence of the writers of those times, "who should have used more care in preserving the memories of the worthie acts of our nation." It is very certain that no important discovery was made by the clerical navigator, and his failure to light upon the short cut to the Indies seems for a while to have dampened the national spirit of enterprise; at least to have put a temporary stopper upon voyages to the North. Some twenty years passed by before another fleet sailed away from England towards the pole, and this time the expedition was not a national but a private enterprise, being undertaken by "the Mysterie and Companie of the Marchants adventurers for the discoverie of Regions, Dominions and Islands, and places Unknowen.' Of this comprehensive corporation Sebastian Cabot was chairman-or, as they then styled that kind of thing, "Gouvernour"-and by him exceedingly minute instructions were drawn up for the guidance of the admiral of the fleet; instructions covering not only the matter of navigation, but also the matter of trading with any friendly nations that might be discovered, and of stealing from the ships-if any such they were lucky enough to encounter-belonging to a foe. The general course was to be northeast until the Pacific was reached, and all persons skilled in writing on the several vessels, were to record very exactly the incidents and discoveries made during the voyage, and the cosmographers were directed to draw careful maps of the various coasts by which they passed. It was also charged that morning and evening prayer should be held daily in each ship; that no "blaspheming of God, or detestable swearing be used; nor communication of ribaldrie, filthie tales or ungodlie talke be suffered;" that "neither dicing, carding, tabling nor other divelish games be frequenced;" all this to avoid "provoking God's most just wrath and sworde of vengeance." It was further ordered that the "sicke, diseased, weake and visited persons”—if any there should be—should be carefully tended and nursed, and in case of one of the party dying his effects were to be taken in charge by the "chief Marchant" and held subject to the claim of his family on the return of the fleet to England. In short, the expedition was to be conducted on truly Christian principles, even down to following out St. Paul's injunction to be "all things to all men," for one of the clauses commanded: "Item: Not to disclose to any nation the state of our religion, but to passe it over in silence, without any declaration of it, seeming to beare with such lawes and rites as the place hath where you shall arrive." In other words: If a good trade can be made by going in and bowing down in the house of Rimmon, by all means go and bow! On the roth of May, 1553, the fleet, composed of the Admiral ship Bona Speranza, the Edward Bonaventure, and the Confidentia, under the command of Sir Hugh Willoughby, Knt., weighed from Ratcliffe, and after sailing slowly along the coast, stopping at a half dozen havens to wait for favorable winds, finally got away to sea on the 23d of June. All went well until the 2d of August, when, being then off Finmarke, certain "terrible whirlwinds" struck the squadron, driving it seaward and separating the Edward Bonaventure from the fleet. The Bona Speranza and Confidentia, however, held together, and on the 23d of August a "Lowe land" was descried along which they coasted for several days, and finally, on the 18th of September-"the Confidentia being troubled with bilge water and stocked"-they came to an anchor in a haven running in from the sea about two leagues. In his journal Sir Hugh writes: "Thus, remaining in this haven the space of a weeke, seeing the yeere farre spent, and also very evill wether, as frost, snow and haile as though it had beene the deepe of winter, we thought best to winter there," and the journal concludes with the statement that three parties were sent from the ships in different directions into the land, but that each and all returned without discovering "any people or any similitude of habitation." So, cut off from all of their kind, far away in the bleak north, the cold and darkness of an Arctic winter settled down upon the brave Sir Hugh Willoughby and his gallant men. Three years passed by before anything was known in England touching the fate of this portion of the expedition, and then the news came that the agents of the Mocovie Companie had received intelligence that certain fishermen in Lapland had discovered two great ships, of which the crews were dead, in a haven within their coasts. The ships were the Bona Speranza and Confidentia-every man on board them had perished with cold. In the cabin of the sadly misnamed Bona Speranza was found the journal, written in Sir Hugh's own hand, from which the foregoing extracts are taken; the last may be inferred from the fact that he devotes conentry being September 18, 1553. Master Henrie Lane, writing to the worshipfull Master William Sanderson in 1586, says: "This yeere, [1553] the two shippes with the deade bodies of Sir Hugh Willoughby and his people were sent unto by Master Killingworth," and he adds with evident satisfaction that "much of the goods and victuals were saved!" The ships themselves, however, with their entire crews, were lost on the homeward voyage. Although the main body of the expedition thus miserably perished, "the Mysterie and Companie of the Marchants adventurers" did not lose money on their investment, for the remaining ship of the squadron, the Edward Bonaventure, commanded by Richard Chanceler, Pilot-Major of the Fleet, achieved a very considerable success, brought in much profit, and opened a new and very satisfactory channel of trade. After the storm which separated the ships had subsided, Chanceler and his men "were not a little troubled with cogitations and perturbations of minde in respect of their doubtful course," but they finally settled the difficulty by agreeing to continue onward towards that "unknowen part of the world" for which they had originally set out from England. On this course they sailed so far as to come at last to a place where they "founde no night at all, but a continuall light and brightnesse of the Sunne shining clearely upon the huge and mightie Sea. And having the benefitt of this perpetuall light for certaine dayes, at the length it pleased God to bring them in a certaine great Bay, which was of one hundred miles, or thereabouts, over. Wherein they entred, and somewhat farre within it cast ancre." From fishermen who came out to the ship they learned that the country which they had come unto was called "Russia or Moscovie, and that Evan Vasilwich (which was at that time their King's name) ruled and governed farre and wide in those places." The remainder of Master Chanceler's discoveries were enterprised on land, he having entered the country and visited "Mosco, the chiefe Citie of the Kingdome, and of the Emperor thereof," but as his journeyings did not trend towards the region north of the arctic circle, any account of them would here be out of place. In fact Master Chanceler's journal is somewhat prolix, and his descriptions made not wholly with judgment: as siderable space to explaining that the Moscovits "use to ride with short styrrups;" that their "women paint their faces;" that "theyr moonks are marchants;" that they have "no lawyers, but every man is his owne lawyer," and describes at length "theyr ridiculous manner of marriage." The result of the discovery of this rich country was of course an ample reward for the expense incurred by the merchants who had fitted out the expedition, and immediately upon Chanceler's return to England (1554) bringing with him the goods obtained in exchange for those which he had carried with him for barter, the Moscovie Companie was founded for the purpose of establishing a regular trade with Russia, and thenceforth there was a constant departure of ships to the north. The Pilot-Major had certainly missed fire on a Northeast passage, but everybody seems to have been too well pleased with the result of his voyaging to twit him with having failed to achieve what he set out to accomplish. It was pretty well understood in those days among gentlemen adventurers that, while it was well enough to have some definite objective point advertised for each expedition that sailed away to sea, the real objective point was simply any place where money could be made: and if a fleet came home with plenty of treasure, no questions were asked as to whether said treasure had been obtained by the exercise of prudent premeditation, or whether it had been hit upon by mere blind luck to ask whether it had been gained in lawful trade or unlawful thievings, never so much as crossed anybody's mind! Satisfied with what had been attained, it was not until 1556 that any attempt was made toward fresh discoveries in the north. On the 23d of April in that year the pinnace Serchethrift, Stephen Burrough master, dropped down with the tide from Ratcliffe to Blackewall and after floating about from one port to another-as seems to have been the established custom among these ancient navigants-finally, on the 30th, got away to sea. The voyage to Norway was uneventful, and on the 7th of June the Serchethrift sailed out from Corpus Christi bay, and stood to the northward in search of new lands. On Thursday the roth, being then well up along the Russian coast, Captain Burrough sent one of his boats ashore, "she being leake and weake," to be repaired by "the carpenter and three men more to helpe him," rough weather came on and it was not until Sunday that the party could get back to the ship. Their experience, meanwhile, was far from pleasing, for "all that time they were without provisions or victuals, but onely a little bread, which they spent by Thursday at night, thinking to have come aboard when they had listed, but wind and weather denied them: insomuch that they were faine to eate grasse and such weedes as they coulde finde then above grounde, but fresh water they had plentie, but the meate with some of them could scant frame by reason of their queazie stomackes!" The storm also endangered the ship, for "from Thursday at afternoone untill Sunday in the morning, the barke did ride such a roade sted that it was to be marvelled, without the helpe of God, howe she was able to abide it." This peril passed, the Serchethrift bore to the north during the remainder of June, being accompanied during the greater part of the time by a friendly Russian named Gabriel, who-leading with his own vessel-acted the part of coast pilot. On the 21st of July, having then reached the 68th degree of north latitude, heavy ice was encountered, which rapidly closed around the ship and rendered navigation extremely dangerous. "Within a little more than half an hour after we first saw this yce," writes Burrough, "we were inclosed within it before we were aware of it, which was a fearefull sight to see: for, for the space of five houres, it was as much as we could do to keep our shippe aloofe from one heape of yce and bear roomer from another, with as much winde as we might beare a coarse." For several days this unpleasant state of affairs continued, and then the ice broke up and drifted to the southward. But scarcely had the ice disappeared when another trouble came upon them, for "on St. James his day the shippes companie was thrown into a state of mortal terror by reason of a monstrous whale, so near to our side that we might have thrust a sword or any other weapon into him." Thrusting weapons into him seems to have been about the last thing that they thought of at the time, for after much "musing" as to what manner of attack would be most like to free them from the danger, Burrough struck upon the original plan of assailing the enemy with the proverbial three hearty British cheers! Says he: "I called my companie to gether and all of us showted, and with the cry that we made he de parted from us. . . . God be thanked, we were quietly delivered of him!'' Off Nova Zembla, on the 28th, the Serchethrift fell in with a Russian vessel commanded by a gentleman bearing the pleasing name of Loshake. Loshake came aboard, and-with other valuable information-acquainted Burrough with the fact that "in this Nova Zembla is the highest mountaine in the world." The Englishman evidently thought that his Russian friend was rather pushing things, for he gravely adds: "but I saw it not,"—a defect in vision which is scarcely, under the circumstances, to be wondered at. The day before this encoun ter took place the expedition reached its most northern limit, having on that day, July 27, attained to 70° 42" of north latitude. There was nothing at this time to prevent them from continuing their northerly course, but Master Burrough was a prudent man, and reflecting that the season being far advanced, while there was no trouble in getting in, there might be a very great deal in getting out, he gave the order to put about, and from this time the prow of the Serchethrift pointed southwards. The wisdom of this move was soon rendered manifest, for on the night of the 1st of August there was a "cruell storme" of snow and wind which continued throughout the next day, and during the remainder of the voyage storms were frequent. On Monday, the 3d, Burrough again encountered his quondam acquaintance, Loshake, and this time that worthy accompanied him ashore "to an island of the Samoyds," and there pointed out to him "a heape of the Samoyds' idols, which were in number above 300, the worst, and the most unartificiall work that ever I saw; the eyes and mouths of sundry of them were bloudy, they had the shape of men, women and children very grosly wrought, and that which they had made for other parts was also sprinkled with bloud. Some of their idols were an olde sticke with two or three notches made with a knife in it." With heathen whose blindness was so profound as to permit bowing down to such extremely mean specimens of wood and stone as these, good Master Burrough had no patience, and he therefore departed from out those coasts with all possible expedition; his hegira being somewhat hastened by extraneous circumstances, for he states that "on Wednesday we saw a terrible heape of yce approach neere us, and therefore we thought good with all speed possible to depart from thence: aud so I returned to the westwards againe" On the 7th another "cruell storme" was encountered, which continued for two days, and on the 19th they got into a regular hurricane, "the like of which we have not seen since we came out of England." So fierce was the gale that it seems to have been about an even thing whether the poor Serchethrift would ever get into port again, for Burrough writes: "It was wonderfull that our barke was able to brooke such monstrous and terrible seas," and he adds that "without the great helpe of God, who never faileth them at need that put their sure trust in him, we would never againe have seen the lande." And now, the 23d of August, as "the nightes waxed darke, and the winter began to draw on with his stormes," the course was shaped for Colmogro-where the vessel was to winter-and "the Lord sending a little gale of winde at South," good way was made toward that port, where on the 11th of September the stout little pinnace dropped her anchor, and her crew were at rest! The next spring-May 23, 1557-the Serchethrift was despatched in search of the missing ships belonging to Sir Hugh Willoughby's ill-fated expedition that left England in 1553; but, as has been previously stated, these vessels were discovered in 1556, and were sent home by Master Killingworth, agent of the Moscovie Companie at Mosco; so the voyage of the Serchethrift was abortive. There is no lack of material to continue this article indefinitely, but prudence bids me cease; for in these latter days when the world has so many live heroes that it does not know what to do with them all, it is perhaps indiscreet to unearth those of a bygone age and demand for them fresh homage; and it is certainly indiscreet to unduly, or at intemperate length urge forward their claims. God rest them, those brave old sailors who so well wrought out their allotted tasks three centuries ago; who so fearlessly voyaged to the very ends of the earth in cockle-shell boats that a modern navigator would be afraid to cross a mill pond in ; who dared dangers and overcame difficulties from which the bravest and stoutest might well have shrunk back in fear, and who, in almost every scheme in which they engaged finally conquered by that sheer main strength and indomitable pluck which seem to be every Englishman's inalienable birthright. In our day it is all but impossible to appreciate their daring. Faithful below they did their duty to their country, their king, and their God, and if there is such a thing as justification by works, surely they, at least, will -find pleasant weather When He, who all commands, Shall give, to call Life's crew together, The word to pipe all hands! How prone we are to hide and hoard Each little token love has stored, To tell of happy hours: We lay aside with tender care When Death has led with pulseless hand Our darlings to the silent land, Awhile we sit bereft. But time goes on; anon we rise, LAVENDER. And when we come in after years, On cheeks once white with care, A subtle scent is there. Dew-wet and fresh we gathered them, Tear-wet and sweet we strewed them here, That scent abides on book and lute, It wins from us a deeper sob It whispers of the long ago, And tears like those we shed of old ARCHITECTURAL PROGRESS, AS SEEN IN THE RELIGIOUS EDIFICES OF THE WORLD. BY REV. WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, D.D., LL.D. II. GREEK ARCHITECTURE. A TRAVELLER who would suddenly pass from a | The base would naturally be introduced as a means court or an inner cloister of an Egyptian, to the of elevating the column so as to save it from the front of a Greek temple, would find that he had dampness of the soil. The joist of the roof rested on the architrave, the frieze being the space which they occupied in height; and as taste prevailed the ends of the joists were ornamented and called triglyphs or channels. For a considerable time the spaces between the rafters were left open, but afterwards they were filled up. The inclination of the rafters made the pediment or apex of the ANCIENT GREEK MASONRY. left sombre gloom, heavy massive members and quaint strange figures behind him, to gaze on a structure which was complete in the unity of its design, harmonious in the arrangement of its details, while the whole appealed to the spectator as an ideal of purity and beauty. The architecture of Greece, which reached its perfection in her temples, has extended over every land that was affected by Greek civilization, and it has continued to influence society in modern times wherever taste and culture prevail. Before entering on a detailed description of the several styles which prevailed in Greece, it may be observed that as the darkness and mystery of Egyptian art have found their prototype in the cavern, and the forms of Chinese buildings can be traced to the tent of the Tartar, so Greek art has been traced to its origin in the rude and simple hut. Among the cultivators of the soil a shelter from the elements was needed, and the process was as easy as it was obvious to drive stakes or the boles of trees into the ground to sustain the roof, and thus the origin of the column is determined; the beam resting on the heads of the columns became the architrave, while the capital was introduced in the form of a flat surface on the heads of the columns to forra a bed for the crossbeam to rest on. LATER, THOUGH ANCIENT, GREEK MASONRY. gable, and the elevation of the pediment was determined by the slope of the roof, which was usually low in consequence of the infrequency of rain in the fine climate of Greece. |