REMAINS OF AN ANCIENT ROMAN HYPOCAUST, OR SUBTERRANEAN FURNACE FOR HEATING BATHS, AT LINCOLN, ENGLAND. ond or the twenty second? Moreover, a representative from Pennsylvania must, "when elected, be an inhabitant of that State;" but, if he should, during the term for which he is elected, remove into New Jersey, is there any law forbidding As your MONTHLY has furnished from time to time valuable information on the lives and characters of eminent men who have lived and died, leaving as legacies to the world the history of their origin, and the motives and principles which guided them, and thinking it might be of interest to the many readers of your periodical, I inclose the following article on the "Origin of Great Men." THEODORE H. HEATH. St. Andrew, apostle, was the son of a fisherman; St. John was also the son of a fisherman; Pope Sixtus V. was the son of a swine-herder-he was also one; Aristotle, of a doctor; Boccacio, of a merchant; Columbus of a wool-comber; John Basth, of a fisherman; Diderot, of a cutler; Cook, of a servant; Hampden, of a carpenter; Talma, of a dentist; Gesner, / of a bookseller; Salvator Rosa, of a surveyor; Euripides, of a fruit-woman; Virgil of a baker; Horace, of a denizen; Voltaire, of a tax-collector; Lamothe, of a hatter; Fletcher, of a chandler; Masillon, of a turner; Tamerlane, of a shepherd; Quinault, of a baker; Rollin, of a cutler; Moliere, of an upholsterer; Rosseau, of a watchmaker; Sir Samuel Bowditch, of a silversmith; Ben Johnson, of a mason; Shakspeare, of a butcher; Sir Thomas Lawrence, of a customhouse officer; Collins, of a hatter; Gray, of a notary; Beattie, of a laborer; Sir Edward Sugden, of a barber; Thomas Moore, of a swordmaker; Rembrandt, of a miller; Cardinal Wolsey, of a butcher; Napoleon, of a farmer; Lincoln, of a backwoodsman. Growth of Man.-Among the disputed subjects, even in this enlightened day, is the period of the most rapid growth of man. Some able physiologists contend that the develop ROMAN ARCH FORMING NEWPORT GATE, LINCOLN, ENGLAND. ment is more marked in and during the second period, known as childhood; while others, equally distinguished, maintain that the first, or infant period, is more decided in physical, though not in mental growth. With the hope of eliciting information from some of the subscribers of POTTER'S AMERICAN MONTHLY, and at the same time, perhaps, furnishing an item of interest, I inclose the following opinion from an authority of some note. DELHI, "Observations regarding the rate of the growth of man have determined the following interesting facts: The most rapid growth takes place immediately after birth, ANCIENT ROMAN BATH, STRAND LANE, LONDON. the growth of an infant during the first year of its exist ence being about eight inches. The ratio of increase gradually decreases until the age of three years, at which time the size attained is half that which it is to become when full grown. After five years the succeeding increase is very regular till the sixteenth year, being at the rate for the average man of two inches a year. Beyond sixteen the growth is feeble, being, in the following two years, about six-tenths of an inch a year; while from eighteen to twenty the increase in height is seldom over one inch. At the age of twenty-five the growth ceases, save in a few exceptional cases. It has been observed that, in the same race, the mean size is a little larger in the city than in the country, a fact which will be received with doubt by many who have come to regard the rustic as the model man." We are, however, very far from admitting that a country or farm life is productive of a bet ter physical growth; and, most unquestionably, the mor tality tables confirm the idea of a greater longevity to those who reside in towns and cities, especially where the oc cupation is equally free from mental anxiety and care. AMPHITHEATRE AT VERONA. Domesday Book.-Though not able to give the exact About ten or twelve years ago an exact fac-simile of this information desired by Elizabeth Oakes Smith, I take pleas- ancient record, free from all possibility of error, was taken ure in making a small contribution in that behalf. Russell, through the agency of photo-zincography. The Worcesterin his "Modern Europe," Vol. I., says: "The peaceable state shire portion has been translated by W. B. Sanders, assistant of William's affairs now gave him leisure to finish an under-keeper of her Majesty's records, edited by Mr. Noake, of taking, which proves his great and extensive genius, and does honor to his memory. It was a general survey of all the lands in England, their extent in each district, their proprietors, tenures, value; the quantity of meadow, pasture, wood and arable land, which they contained; and in some counties the number of tenants, cottages, and slaves of all denominations, who lived upon them." This valuable piece of antiquity, called the "Domesday Book," is still preserved in the Exchequer, and contributes to the illustration of the ancient state of England. The work was undertaken in the year 1081. Mr. J. Noake, author of "The Rambler in Worcestershire," says of this work: "In 'Doomsday Book,' William the Conqueror 'took stock' of his newly acquired possessions, when, some eight hundred years ago, he won the crown of England. Being determined to ascertain the full extent of the value of his prize, he gave imperative orders for the most minute inventory to be taken of all kinds of property in every parish. As the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle states, 'So very narrowly did he cause the survey to be made, that there was not a single hide or rood of land, nor-it is shameful to relate that which he thought no shame to do—was there an ox, or a cow, or a pig passed by, that was not set down in the accounts; and then all these writings were brought to him.'" Another writer, describing how the king looked after the game, says that “he loved the tall stags as though he were their father." This very minuteness of Doomsday, although an evidence of the galling subjection in which the Saxon inhabitants of England lay, and of the avarice of their stern conquerors, now constitutes the chief value of this work, which, without fear of contradiction, may be described as one of the most interesting and valuable national records that any country or people can introduce. William set about his work of acquiring information in a very business-like way, and appointed a number of commissioners for every district. These commissioners were ordered to summon before them the sheriff of each county, the lord of each manor, the presbyter of each church, the reeve or constable of each hundred, the bailiff, and six "villans" (this did not mean scoundrels, but holders or tenants of houses or land, whose property was at the will of their lord), in every village, and examine them upon oath. The questions put to them were briefly these: The name of each place; the name of its owners in the time of Edward the Confessor and at the time of the inquiry; the number of bides in the manor (the hide was an uncertain measure meaning as much land as one team could plow and sow in a year; not less than eighty nor more than one hundred acres); the quantity of demesne land; the number and quality of the renants; the extent of their holdings; the nature and cultivation of the soil; the number of mills, fish-ponds, etc., and the opinion of the jury whether the value last named were capable of increase. The whole of the returns were completed in about a year, and the result was the production of two volumes, the one a folio, the other a quarto. Worcester, and published by Messrs. Deighton & Sons, of A Scene in the United States House of Representa- A member from Ohio, named Stanberry, we believe, had accused Houston of defrauding the Government in a transaction with an Indian tribe upon the Tennessee border; the latter had demanded an investigation, but had been unable to obtain any satisfaction. Smarting under the charge and despairing of legal redress, he at last gave the accuser a severe caning within the precincts of the Capitol. Of course, the House could not do otherwise than arraign the caner, and a reprimand was the least penalty it could adjudge him. AMBROSE B. CARLYLE. Errata. In the November MONTHLY, in the article "Faneuil Hall," page 323, it is stated "The Royal Exchange was founded by Sir Thomas Graham." It should be Sir Thomas Gresham. In the same number, page 339, "The Protector, the infamous Duke of York," should be the infamous Duke of Gloucester. CURRENT MEMORANDA. The "Crisis," the Electoral Commission, and the Verdict of the Commission. We have spoken very pily and frankly in former numbers of the MONTHLY apon the questions which have since November 9th agitated the country. In our last, in speaking of the Commission scheme of allaying the "crisis," we said: "At the present writing, it is quite uncertain what conclusion the Tripartite Commission' will arrive at, but whatever it shall be, it seems beyond a doubt that it will be accepted by all parties as a just and equitable solution of all the real and supposed difficulties of the remarkable Presidential contest of America's Centennial Year." Our anticipation that the verdict of the Commission would be "accepted by all parties," the defeated as well as the successful, was based on the one hand, upon a positive certainty that the Republicans would freely and fully acquiesce in the decision, whether favorable or adverse to their wishes and claims, and, on the other hand, upon the fact that the Commission scheme was devised and specially favored by the Democrats, who were thus specially bound in honor, nay, in common decency, to accept unquestioningly its results. But later developments have shown that there are eighty-seven Democrats in the House of Representatives who cannot be bound by considerations of honor or common decency. We were not at all surprised when the Hon." William M. Springer, "Hon." Alexander G. Cochrane, and a few others of their ilk, set themselves forward as enemies to their country, for they had before shown their utter want of patriotism, to say nothing of common sense and integrity, in the matter of the National appropriation to the Centennial Exhibition; our readers will recollect that the "Hon." Springer was the author of the infamous proviso which was designed to rob the patriotic stockholders in that great National glory, and the other person named was almost equally notorious in the same unpatriotic and dishonest direction; that these and their confreres in antagonism to the Centennial Exhibition were capable of achieving still greater infamy, in efforts to prevent the conclusion of the count, and thus invite the peril of revolution and anarchy, we could readily understand, and we could as readily under stand the course of the Judas from New York, for he had sold himself for just such work. But we were surprised when we learned that there were eighty-seven Representatives of honest American constituents who could permit themselves to appear in so disreputable a light, and we were absolutely astounded when we read the list of names of the obstructionists and found among them Robbins of Pennsylvania, Walker of Virginia, and some others whom we have esteemed in that if they were sold or betrayed, it was their own act and in no regard chargeable upon their opponents. But our purpose in referring to this matter now, is not to dwell upon the obstructionists and their unenviable record so much as to speak of the Hon. Samuel J. Randall and Hou. Fernando Wood and their noble followers in sustaining the law even when its operations were seemingly adverse to their party; this band of true Democrats and grand patriots deserve to have their names forever remembered by all true Americans-such a record as these men have made shows that our beloved Republic is sale-it has a sufficient number of tree sons who love it and its life and prosperity supremely, above and beyond all party and selfish considerations, to guard it from the worst of foes, those within the National home-circle. The Nation can never be subverted or disrupted while a ma jority of the defeated party act as the ninety-two Democratic patriots have acted in the present instance. It is worthy of note that forty-six, just one-half of the ninety-two, were Representatives from the Southern States, and of the eighty-seven obstructionists forty-four were from the South and forty-three from the North; thus we see that the Democrats were actually almost evenly divided on the two sides, in numbers, thoug in responsibility we cannot but regard the Northern share the largest, and the Southern members upon the side of law and order and patriotism may justly claim special credit for unselfish devotion to the welfare of the Union. The violent partisans of the defeated aspirant loudly de nounce the majority on the Commission for refusing to enter upon a judicial investigation of the charges of fraud and wrong-doings in Florida and Lousiana; but every disin terested thinker must see that, even conceding the right of Congress and of its Commission to "go behind the returns," such a course was simply impossible without defeating the very purpose for which the Commission was avowedly crea ted; had they done so in the case of Florida and Louisiana, or any single State, they could not have refused to pursue the same course in Georgia, Mississippi, New York, New Jersey and other States. One month was the outside limit of time within which the count must be made, and six months woul! have been too brief for a thorough investigation of the wrong doings on both sides. Hence, the whole outcry against the Commission for refusing to enter upon such an investigation is absurd if not dishonest. Any man in either House wh says he favored the Commission scheme upon the expectation that the Commission would undertake an investigation of the elections in the several States, thereby confesses that he was too stupid or thoughtless to calculate the time requisite for extensive a work, or that he knew how much time would be requisite for such a labor, and knew, too, that the Commis sion could not make and declare the count by or before the 4th of March, and the latter involves the farther confession that he was himself a more pronounced scoundrel than he would have us believe the Republicans of the South were-to advocate a plan for counting and declaring the result of the election of November last, knowing or believing that that plan CURRENT MEMORANDA. would do no such thing, but would actually defeat the desired end by compelling a new election, would be scoundrelism the turpitude of which could not be exceeded by the worst Returning Board conceivable. But the great contest is over and all, even his political opponents included, agree that the new President is a good, honorable, upright man. Some profess to believe that he will be in a greater or less degree controlled by the less-estimable, if not the bad, members of his party. Time must determine how far these croakers are mistaken; but time is not required to determine that they are altogether wrong in prematurely judging and condemning a man they admit to be himself a good, honorable, upright man, for yielding to bad influences before he has had an opportunity so to yield or to show just what stern self-reliant stuff he is made of. requisite to give the names of the Republicans who voted with these forty-six Democrats: Arkansas: Gause, Wiltshire, Gunter. Georgia: Candler, Felton, Hill. Illinois: Le Moyne, Campbell, Stevenson. Kentucky: Brown, Watterson, Durham. Michigan: Williams, Potter. New Jersey: Cutler. New York: Ward, Wood, Hewitt, Willis, Whitehouse, North Carolina: Yeates. Ohio: Neal, Payne. Pennsylvania: Powel, Hopkins, Egbert. Texas: Reagan, Throckmorton, Hancock, Schleicher. National Reconciliation.-Now that the great national political issue has been settled by Congress and the Joint Commission (whether wisely we do not propose at this time to say), it behooves every lover of his country and the great principles upon which it was founded, to accept, not necessarily cheerfully, but patriotically, the result. The ballots which created the fifteen Commissioners-if given in good faith and by honest representatives of the people-proclaimed a willing and lawful acquiescence to their decision, whether it resulted in the placing of Mr. Hayes or Mr. Tilden in the Executive Chair. The Roll of Honor.-During the later portion of the struggle in the House of Representatives over the Electoral | Lord. count, the votes upon the various dilatory motions showed eighty-five or eighty-seven obstructionists to one hundred and seventy-five or one hundred and seventy-seven in favor of law and order. When the State of Vermont was reached in joint session of the two Houses, the most serious dilatory movement of the whole series was made: The President of the Senate had received but one electoral return from that State, but a certain Aldrich had constituted himself an Elector, had held an Electoral College on his own account, had cast a vote for Tilden and Hendricks, and had sent a "Return" of that remarkable vote; this was such a puerile attempt on the part of Aldrich to make himself the most conspicuous ass of the period that, but for the purpose of delay, not even the obstructionists would have taken notice of it. An attempt was made in Joint Convention to introduce this bogus "return," and induce President Ferry to receive it, but this failed, as he was cool and decided; had he but received the paper, it might have become necessary to send the case of Vermont to the Commission, and this would have defeated the conclusion of the count. After the two Houses had sepa rated, a wild uproar arose-the obstructionists got in a perfect frenzy, and the patriotic wing of the Democrats were for a short time worried and confused. Mr. Caulfield of Illinois, through Mr. Poppleton, offered a resolution grossly insulting to the President of the Senate, demanding that he should read the bogus "return" in the presence of the two Houses; a number of speeches followed, chiefly by the obstructionists. But one of these was noteworthy-it was by the New York Judas, who solemnly declared "If there were two returns from Vermont they should go to the Electoral Commission. He appealed," we are told, "to members to deal with the question, not as Democrats or as Republicans," etc. Knott came forward with a resolution, more temperate and civil in its phraseology and hence more dangerous; when the vote was taken upon this, it received so many more votes than the usual dilatory motions that the state of affairs was more critical than at any time before. The vote was 116 yeas to 148 nays. Mr. Hopkins then renewed Mr. Knott's defeated resolution with one clause omitted, and this was defeated by the same vote. The Democrats who defeated this last and worst peril are so specially deserving of the Nation's warmest gratitude that we give their names; it is not Mr. The crucial test of sound statesmanship, as well as true citizenship, is in a prompt abidance by the judgments of legally constituted law-givers, especially when they represent the deliberations of courts of final resort. The tribunal, composed of five Senators, five Representatives, and five Judges of the Supreme Court of the United States, was not supposed at the time it was constituted to embody all the wisdom, nor all the justice in the aggregate, of the American people. Any city in the Union could have easily furnished a tribunal possessing as much knowledge, perhaps more wisdom, and doubtless, much broader statesmanship; but to immediately allay the the surging waves of the two great political and conflicting elements, was beyond the power of any tribunal, even if that decision be from a court absolutely infallible. The advocates and staunch supporters of either candidates, it could not have been reasonably anticipated, would be satisfied if the decision be adverse to the elevation of their favorite. The shadows and substance of defeat in all rival contests for place and power must inevitably fall somewhere. The Star of Hope to one party only can lead to a happy realization of the object sought for. As in natural philosophy so in the construction of a system of government, the same place cannot be occupied by two objects or persons at the same time. The pangs resulting from a failure to secure the coveted prize must be endured |