really the case that the French can at any time recruit these troops clandestinely, I cannot see any reason why they should solicit an order so pressingly for two years together, to do it openly, unless they have some other design. Ought not even this consideration to put us a little upon our guard, and is it not a tacit confession that these troops are thought to be of more importance to them than we ought to wish? Besides, are we to license and authorize a mischievous practice because we cannot totally prevent it? Every one justly applauded his majesty's singular firmness and resolution in supporting the rights of his German subjects when an attempt was made to seduce some of them into the king of Prussia's service, although perhaps it is impossible to prevent that practice entirely. We all remember that the enlisting of a miller's son, and a few other ordinary peasants, occasioned such a misunderstanding between the two crowns as proceeded almost to a rupture. Nor was the zeal of the English parliament backward on this occasion, but on this consideration, among others, resolved to keep up a body of 12,000 Hessian troops in our pay, which have already cost us above a million of money. I am confident, therefore, that the same paternal care will always influence his majesty to guard and protect his British subjects in the same manner, and if any measure should be taken which savors too much of the French interest, and seems of dangerous consequence to the interest of his family, the world can impute it to nothing but the deceitful representations of those who lie under such particular obligations to the court of France that they can refuse them nothing.

4. Such a license seems to give encouragement to the people of Ireland to continue Roman catholics, since they are sure to meet with a provision both in the French and Spanish service, whereas we always reject them in our troops, and absolutely prohibit our officers to recruit in Ireland. Now, although it may not be safe to trust them in our armies, yet certainly we ought not to give the least encouragement to their entering into foreign service, especially into such compact bodies as these regiments. And here it will not be amiss to relate a story much more to the honor of an English nobleman, who has also one of the largest estates in Ireland of any man in the kingdom. When he went to visit the Invalides in France, a place in the nature of our Chelsea college here, all the Irish officers and soldiers of that hospital drew out in a body to do him particular honors. We can make no question that their chief view was to have some present from his lordship; but though he

has a heart as well disposed to generous charity as any man, and a purse well able to answer the dictates of it, yet out of regard to his country, for which he has likewise the most disinterested zeal, his answer to them was only this:-"Gentlemen, I am very sensible of the honor you have done me, and heartily pity your misfortunes, but as you have drawn them upon yourselves by serving against your country, you must not expect any relief or reward from me for having suffered in a service in which I wish you had never engaged."

5. Is there not some reason to apprehend that this license may at one time or other prove a snare to that country and draw many people in to their destruction, for unless it is made perpetual, can it be supposed that all the poor ignorant wretches in the kingdom should be apprised how long this license is to be in force, or when they may enlist with impunity and when they may not? Besides, as it may be presumed that these officers will never go for the future upon such errands without some pretended orders, when the real one is expired, so they will find it no difficult matter to impose such a counterfeit upon illiterate people, who may thus incur the penalties of the law without knowing anything of the matter. Such a method of providing for persons whose principles render them unserviceable to our army is indeed a little more charitable than a late project for preventing Irish children from being starved, by fattening them up and selling them to the butcher.

6. I have often heard that these troops have been made use of in parliament as an argument for keeping up a standing army in England; and I think we need not take any measures to render that argument stronger. God knows there are too many arguments already upon such occasions.

I might insist upon some other points which this affair naturally suggests to a considering mind, particularly the danger of suffering several bigoted Irish papists in foreign service to disperse themselves into those counties where they have the best interest, and to stroll about Ireland among their relations and old acquaintance of the same principles with themselves. Are we sure that they will not make a bad use of this liberty, by inquiring into the strength of their party, by giving them hopes, and taking an opportunity to concert measures for the advantage of their cause? have we no reason to apprehend that they may endeavor to raise seamen as well as soldiers under color of this order? or engage great numbers of their countrymen to transport themselves over to the French colonies and

plantations in the West Indies, which are already grown formidable to the trading interest of Great Britain in those parts?

But whatever may be the motives to such an extraordinary favor or the consequences of it, I am sure it is the strongest mark of our confidence in France, and such an one as I believe they would not place in us upon any occasion. I will illustrate this by a parallel

case.

The French protestants who fled over hither from a persecution on account of religion never discovered any principles which were incompatible with the civil government of France, nor ever set up any pretender to the present royal family of that kingdom; and yet if we should think fit to form any considerable number of them into complete distinct regiments, to be composed of French protestants only, and commanded by French officers, without any incorporation of British soldiers, I fancy it would give our good allies some umbrage. But I am almost confident that they would never permit us to send over a protestant French officer from every regiment to recruit their respective corps, by dispersing themselves into those provinces where they have the best interest, or suffer a field-officer in English pay to reside constantly in Paris, and exercise a sort of martial law in the capital of their dominions; I say they would hardly suffer this, even though our ambassador should solicit such an order with the utmost application for 20 years together.

And yet the case of the Irish forces is much stronger with respect to us. They do not differ with us only in matters of religion, but hold principles absolutely destructive of our civil government, and are generally looked upon abroad as a standing army kept on foot to serve the pretender upon any occasion.

I must ask a question or two which naturally offer themselves in this place.

What power has this field-officer to exercise during his residence in Dublin? Is the French martial law to take place, if any of these recruits should happen to repent of what they have done, and think fit to desert?

Troops are generally armed as soon as they are listed. Is this rule to be observed in the present case? If so, another question occurs. It has been found necessary for the security of Ireland to restrain all Roman catholics from wearing or keeping any arms in their houses. I ask therefore whether the authority of this license is to supersede the laws of the land? I may go further.

The garrison of Dublin seldom consists of above 800 men for the

duty of the place. Supposing double that number of Popish recruits should be brought thither in order to be viewed by their field-officer, will it be said there is no just apprehension of danger? But as these suggestions may appear to be founded on the infidelity of France (a case not to be supposed at present) I press them no further.

I must however repeat it, that this order is the fullest demon. stration of the confidence we repose in them; and I hope they will scorn to make any bad use of it; but if it were possible to suspect that they could have any design to play the knave with us, they could not wish for a better opportunity to promote it than by such a power as is now said to be put into their hands.

I hope my remarks on this article of news will not be construed in a jacobite sense, even by the most prostitute scribblers of the present times; but I must beg leave to expostulate a little with the public on that mean, infamous practice which these writers have lately used in explaining some of my papers into treasonable libels, taking an occasion from hence to appear formally in defence of the throne, and laying it down as a point granted that there is an actual concerted design of setting aside the present establishment. This is a practice which may be of great service to the real enemies of the present government; and every jacobite in the kingdom may make use of it to publish the most explicit invectives on the king and his government, under the pretence of interpreting the implicit design of other writings. It is a practice which was never allowed till now, and ought never to be allowed; for whatever may be the secret meaning of any author, such explanations are certainly libels, which may have a very bad effect upon weak minds, and are punishable by the laws, without any extraordinary methods of construction. These writers ought to remember the case of sir Richard Steele, who published the pretender's declaration at the beginning of the late reign with an answer annexed; and although he did it with a very good design, yet it was universally allowed to be contrary to law; and if his principles of loyalty had not been very well known, might have involved him in a severe prosecution. I shall make no reflections on those who encouraged such explanations; and those who are hired to do it are beneath my notice. Let them empty all the trite common-places of servile, injudicious flattery, and endeavor to make their court by such nauseous, dishonest adulation, as I am sure gives the most offence to those persons to whom it is paid. Let them throw as much foul dirt at me as they please

Let them charge me with designs which never entered into my thoughts, and cannot justly be imputed to me from any part of my conduct. God knows my heart; I am as zealous for the welfare of the present royal family as the most sordid of these sycophants. I am sensible that our happiness depends on the security of his majesty's title, and the preservation of the present government upon those principles which established them at the late glorious revolution, and which I hope will continue to actuate the conduct of Britons to the latest generations. These have always been my principles; and whoever will give himself the trouble of looking over the course of these papers will be convinced that they have been my guide: but I am a blunt, plain-dealing old man, who am not afraid to speak the truth; and as I have no relish for flattery myself, I scorn to bestow it on others. I have not, however, been sparing of just praise, nor slipped any seasonable opportunity to distinguish the royal virtues of their present majesties.1 More than this I cannot do; and more than this I hope will not be expected. Some of my expressions, perhaps, may have been thought too rough, and unpolished for the climate of a court, but they flowed purely from the sincerity of my heart; and the freedom of my writings has proceeded from my zeal for the interest of my king and country.

With regard to my adversaries, I will leave every impartial reader to judge whether, even in private life, that man is not most to be depended upon who- being inwardly convinced of the great and good qualities of his friend never loads him with fulsome flatteries, but takes the honest liberty of warning him against the measures of those who are endeavoring to mislead him. The case is much stronger in public life; and a crown is beset with so many difficulties, that even a prince of the most consummate wisdom is not always sufficiently guarded against the dangers which surround him from the stratagems of artful ministers, or the blunders of weak ones. Both of them may be equally bad ministers, and pursue the same methods of supporting themselves, by flattering him into measures which tend to his destruction. But it is time to draw to a conclusion; and I can only add, that if I were really engaged in any design contrary to the interests of the present establishment I should have sat down contented, and secretly rejoiced at the affair which occasioned this paper instead of giving myself and the reader so much trouble.

C. D.