has done her worst. Never before, in the history of our government, was a public man so bitterly assailed by every weapon and engine that unprincipled detraction and malignant party hostility could invent. For years, the opposition, in the face of the most decided and complete refutations of the calumny-and notwithstanding the original inventors had themselves confessed its falsity-continued to thrust it before the public, until at length, they could find none so mean and ignorant as to credit it. The natural reaction has taken place; and every honest heart now visits with indignation any attempt to resuscitate the crushed and obscene lie. Mr. Clay's reputation has come forth whiter and purer from the ordeal. The "most fine gold" is all the more bright because of those who would have dimmed its lustre. The stream of time is fast bearing down to oblivion the frail and unfounded falsehoods of his enemies; but the pillars of his renown. based as they are upon inestimable public services, remain unshaken and unimpaired.

Mr. Clay entered upon the duties of his new post in March, 1825. In him the house of representatives lost the ablest and most efficient speaker that had ever graced the chair. The best proof of his popularity may be found in the eloquent fact, that from the time of his first entry into the house in 1811 to 1825, with the exception of two years when he was voluntarily absent, he was chosen to preside over their deliberations almost without opposition. The period of his speakership will always be regarded as an epoch in the history of our federal legislature. Perhaps the most remarkable characteristic of his presidency over the house, was his perfect-his unimpeachable impartiality. Both foes and friends bore testimony to this trait without a dissenting voice. Strong as were his party feelings, they never could induce him, even in the very tempest and whirlwind of debate, to treat an opponent with unfairness or undue neglect. His decisions were always prompt, yet never so hasty as to be reversed by the house. Notwithstanding the many momentous and agitating questions which were discussed while he occupied the chair, he was never known to lose his self-possession, or to fail in preserving the dignity of his position.

During the long period of his service (some twelve or thirteen

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years) in the chair, such was the confidence reposed in his impartiality and the rectitude of his judgment, that appeals were rarely taken from his decision-during the last years of his incumbency, scarcely one.

It was under Mr. Clay's administration of the duties of the chair, that the present use of the previous questions in terminating debate was established. In England it is employed to put by or postpone a subject which it is deemed improper to debate, and then, when the house of commons do not choose to hear an unacceptable debater, he is silenced by being shuffled or coughed down. Certainly it is more orderly, and less invidious, for the house itself to determine when a subject shall be put to the question and all debate upon it stopped. And every deliberative body ought necessarily to possess the power of deciding when it will express its judgment or opinion upon any proposition before it, and, consequently, when debate shall close.

It has been seen that Mr. Clay's presiding in the chair did not prevent his taking an active and leading part in all the great measures that came before the house in committee of the whole. His spirits were always buoyant, and his manner in debate generally animated, and sometimes vehement. But he never carried from the floor to the chair the excited feelings arising in debate. There he was still composed, dignified, authoritative, but perfectly impartial. His administration of its duties commanded the undivided praise of all parties.

Uniformly cheerful when on the floor, he sometimes indulged in repartee. The late General Alexander Smyth of Virginia, a man of ability and research, was an excessively tedious speaker, worrying the house and prolonging his speeches by numerous quotations. On one of these occasions, when he had been more than ordinarily tiresome, while hunting up an authority, he observed to Mr. Clay, who was sitting near him, "You, sir, speak for the present generation; but I speak for posterity."—Yes," said Mr. Clay," and you seem resolved to speak until the arrival of your audience!"

The late Governor Lincoln of Maine was a gentleman of fine feelings, eloquent, but declamatory. On one occasion, when addressing the house of representatives, of which he was a member,

on the revolutionary pension bill, in answer to an argument that it would be a serious charge upon the treasury of long contuance, as many of the officers and soldiers would live a great while, he burst out into the patriotic exclamation, "Soldiers of the revolution, live for ever!" Mr. Clay followed him, inculcating moderation, and concluded by turning to Mr. Lincoln, with an arch smile, and observing, "I hope my worthy friend will not insist upon the very great duration of these pensions, which he has suggested. Will he not consent, by way of a compromise, to a term of nine hundred and ninety-nine years instead of eternity?"

IX.

THE BARGAIN' CALUMNY-MR. CLAY AS SECRETARY OF STATE.

MR. CLAY has himself given to the public a history of his intercourse with General Jackson. It may be found in his speech of 1838, in the senate, on the sub-treasury scheme.

"My acquaintance," he says, "with that extraordinary man commenced in this city, in the fall of 1815 or 1816. It was short, but highly respectful and mutually cordial. I beheld in him the gallant and successful general, who, by the glorious victory of New Orleans, had honorably closed the second war of our independence, and I paid him the homage due for that eminent service. A few years after, it became my painful duty to animadvert, in the house of representatives, with the independence which belongs to the representative character, upon some of his proceedings in the conduct of the Seminole war, which I thought illegal, and contrary to the constitution and the law of nations. A non-intercourse between us ensued, which continued until the fall of 1824, when, he being a member of the senate, an accommodation between us was sought to be brought about by the principal part of the delegation from his own state. For that purpose, we were invited to dine with them at Claxton's boarding-house, on Capitol hill, where my venerable friend from Tennessee (Mr. White) and his colleague on the Spanish commission, were both present. I retired early from dinner, and was followed to the door by General Jackson, and the present minister of the United States at the court of Madrid (Mr. Eaton). They pressed me earnestly to take a seat with them in their carriage. My faithful servant and friend, Charles, was standing at the door waiting for me with my own. I yielded to their urgent politeness, directed Charles to follow with my carriage, and they sat me down by my own door. We afterward frequently met, with mutual respect and cordiality; dined several times together, and reciprocated the hospitality of our respective quarters. This friendly intercourse continued until the election, in the house of representatives, of a president

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of the United States, came on in February, 1825. I gave the vote which, in the contingency that happened, I told my colleague (Mr. Crittenden), who sits before me, prior to my departure from Kentucky, in November, 1824, and told others, that I should give. All intercourse ceased between General Jackson and myself. We have never since, except once accidentally, exchanged salutations, nor met, except on occasions when we were performing the last offices toward deceased members of Congress, or other officers of government. Immediately after my vote, a rancorous war was commenced against me, and all the barking dogs let loose upon me. I shall not trace it during its ten years' bitter continuance. But I thank my God that I stand here, firm and erect, unbent, unbroken, unsubdued, unawed, and ready to denounce the mischievous measures of this administration, and ready to denounce this, its legitimate offspring, the most pernicious of all."

Directly after the adjournment of the 19th Congress, a letter, dated March 8, 1825, appeared in the newspapers, purporting to relate a conversation of the writer with General Jackson, in which the latter said that Mr. Clay's friends in Congress proposed to his friends (Gen. J.'s) that if they would promise for him that Mr. Adams should not be continued as secretary of state, Mr. Clay and his friends would at once elect General Jackson president; and that he (General Jackson) indignantly rejected the proposition. Mr. Carter Beverley, the author of this letter, wrote to General Jackson, soon after its appearance, for a confirmation of its statements.

General Jackson replied, in a letter dated June 5, 1827. -more than two years after the charge was first made, but just in season to operate upon approaching elections; and, in his reply, directly charged the friends of Mr. Clay with having proposed to him, (Jackson) through a distinguished member of Congress, to vote for him, in case he would declare that Mr. Adams should not be continued as secretary of state; and insinuated that this proposition was made by authority of Mr. Clay; and, to strengthen that insinuation, asserted that immediately after the rejection of the proposition, Mr. Clay came out openly for Mr. Adams.

To this proposition, according to his own account, General Jackson returned for answer, that before he would reach the presidential chair by such means of bargain and corruption, “he would see the earth open, and swallow both Mr. Clay and his friends and himself with them!". a reply which was, no doubt, literally true, inasmuch as "such means" could never have been used to elevate the hero of New Orleans to the presidency.

General Jackson gave up the name of Mr. Buchanan of Pennsylvania, as "the distinguished member of Congress," to whom he had alluded in his letter to Mr. Beverley. Mr. Buchanan, being thus involved in the controversy, although a personal and political friend of General Jackson, made a statement which entirely exculpated Mr. Clay and his friends from all participation in the alleged proposition. He stated, that in the month of December, a rumor was in circulation at Washington, that General Jackson intended, if elected, to keep Mr. Adams in as secretary of state. Believing that such a belief would cool his friends and inspire his opponents with confidence, and being a supporter of General Jackson himself, he thought that the general ought to contradict the report. He accordingly called on him, and made known his views; to which General Jackson replied, that though he thought well of Mr. Adams, he had never said or intimated that he would or would not, appoint him secretary of state. Mr. Buchanan then asked permission to repeat this answer to any person he thought proper, which was granted, and here the conversation ended. And out of such flimsy materials had General Jackson constructed his rancorous charge against Mr. Clay!

Mr. Buchanan further stated, that he called on General Jackson solely as his friend, and upon his own responsibility, and not as an agent for Mr. Clay, or any other person; that he had never been a friend of Mr. Clay during the presidential contest; and that he had not the most distant idea that General Jackson believed, or suspected, that he came on behalf of Mr. Clay, or of his friends, until the publication of the letter, making that accusation.

Notwithstanding all grounds for the charge were thus annihilated by the testimony of the "distinguished member of Congress”—himself a warm partisan of General Jackson-the asinine cry of bargain and corruption was still kept up by the opponents of the administration; and the most audacious assertions were substituted for proofs.

At length, although not the slightest shadow of anything resembling evidence had been produced in support of the calumny a body of testimony perfectly overwhelming was produced against it. A circular letter was addressed to the western members (for they alone were accused of being implicated in the alleged trans