THOLER

Under the influence of considerations like these, the conven tion unanimously nominated John Tyler, of Virginia, for the vicepresidency; and, having taken this step, adjourned.

A deep disappointment was felt throughout the Whig ranks at the failure of the convention to nominate Mr. Clay for the presidency; but the magnanimous sentiments expressed in his letter, read at the convention, soon began to animate his friends; and they manifested their devotion to principles rather than to men, by rallying vigorously in support of the selected candidates.

With regard to John Tyler, he was very imperfectly known out of Virginia; and if little could be said in his favor, still less could be said to his prejudice. The office of vice-president was generally regarded as one of comparatively slight consequence; and there seemed to be an utter absence of all apprehension of the contingency, by which its importance was so fearfully magnified. Future conventions will never forget the lesson which Mr. Tyler has given to his countrymen and their posterity.

h

XVIII.

THE CAMPAIGN OF 1840.

MR. CLAY's efforts in the democratic whig cause appear not to have been less ardent, incessant, and faithful, during the con gressional session of 1839-40, than at any previous period of his career. The just expectations of his friends had been thwarted at Harrisburg; but that circumstance did not seem either to effect his spirits, or to damp the ardor of his opposition to that policy which he believed injurious to the best interests of his country. He acquiesced promptly, heartily, and nobly, in the nomination of General Harrison, and did not manifest, on any occasion, a lurking feeling of disappointment. He took an early occasion in the senate to reiterate the sentiments expressed in his letter, read at the convention; and he showed himself prepared to do vigorous battle in behalf of the principles which he and his associates had been struggling, for the last twelve years, to maintain.

RELATIONS WITH MR. CALHOUN.

201

In the senate, on the 3d of January, 1840, Mr. Southard moved the reconsideration of an order of reference of Mr. Calhoun's land bill to the committee on public lands. The proposition gave rise to a passage between Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Clay, in which severe language was employed on both sides. Allusions being made to their respective political careers at the time of the force bill and the compromise act, Mr. Calhoun said that the gentleman from Kentucky was flat on his back at that time, and was compelled to the compromise—and that he (Mr. Calhoun) was then his master.

In reply, Mr. Clay, in the ardor of his feelings, remarked:"The gentleman has said that I was flat on my back—that he was my master on that occasion. He my master! Sir, I would not own him for * slave!" my

The principal questions on which he spoke during the session were: on the abolition of slavery; on the bankrupt bill; the Maine boundary line; Mr. Calhoun's bill to cede the public lands to the states in which they lie; the navy appropriation bill; the independent treasury bill; the branch mints; the expenditures of government; the Cumberland road; repeal of the salt tax; and the bankrupt bill. His opinions on nearly all these subjects are so well-known as to render a recapitulation unnecessary.

Notwithstanding the indications of public hostility, and "in spite of the lamentations" in Congress" and elsewhere,” Mr. Van Buren and his friends continued to press their odious subtreasury project, now newly christened under the name of the "independent treasury bill." Against this measure Mr. Clay battled with undiminished vigor and zeal. On the 20th of January, 1840, he addressed the senate in one of his most spirited speeches, in opposition to the bill, which he truly designated as

* Mr. Clay is not the man to harbor the harsh feelings sometimes engendered in animated debate. After his farewell speech, on resigning his seat in the senate, as he was about to leave the chamber, he encountered Mr. Calhoun. They had not spoken to each other for five years; but they now simultaneously extended their hands, and cordially greeted each other, while the tears sprang to their eyes. They had almost spent their lives together in Congress; and during the war, and at various times subsequently had stood shoulder to shoulder, animated by the same patriotic impulses and aspirations. Time had passed over both, and the young men had become old. For a minute or more, they could not speak, so overcome were both with emotion. At length Mr. Clay said, on parting, "Give my best regards to Mrs. Calhoun," and they bade each other farewell.

a government bank in disguise, demonstrating the assertion by proofs the most convincing.

"A government bank," said Mr. Clay. "may not suddenly burst upon us, but there it is embodied in this bill. Let the re-election of the present chief magistrate be secured, and you will soon see the bank disclosing its genuine character. But, thanks be to God! there is a day of reckoning at hand. All the signs of the times clearly indicate its approach. And on the 4th day of March, in the year of our Lord 1841, I trust that the long account of the abuses and corruptions of this administration, in which this measure will be a conspicuous item, will be finally and for ever adjusted."

He introduced, on this occasion, a bill for the repeal of the sub-treasury system, but it was not acted upon until the will of the people was so peremptorily spoken, that longer resistance to it, on the part of Mr. Van Buren and his friends, was impossible.

During the summer of 1840, Mr. Clay, visited his native county of Hanover, and was everywhere hailed with enthusiasm and reverence. At a public dinner given to him at Taylorsville, June 27th, 1840, he addressed a vast assemblage of his friends in a speech, which may be referred to as a text-book of his political faith. It is probably in the hands of too many of our readers to render an abstract of it useful in this place. Although his opinions on all public questions of importance have been always frankly avowed, he defines his position in this speech with unusual minuteness and precision. With a view to the fundamental character of the government itself, and especially of the executive branch, he maintains that there should beeither by amendments of the constitution, when they were necessary, or by remedial legislation, when the object fell within the scope of the powers of Congress :

1st. A provision to render a person ineligible to the office of president of the United States after a service of one term.

2d. That the veto power should be more precisely defined, and be subjected to further limitations and qualifications.

3d. That the power of dismission from office should be restricted, and the exercise of it rendered responsible.

4th. That the control over the treasury of the United States should be confided, and confined exclusively, to Congress; and all authority of the president over it, by means of dismissing the secretary of the treasury, or other persons having the immediate charge of it, be rigorously precluded.

5th. That the appointment of any members of Congress to any office, or any but a few specific offices, during their continuance in office, and fo. one year thereafter, be prohibited.

ELECTION OF GENERAL HARRISON.

203

Mr. Clay was among the most active of those who took part in the campaign of 1840 which terminated in the complete triumph of the whigs. On the 17th of August, 1840, he addressed the Harrison convention at Nashville, Tennessee, in an interesting and eloquent speech. In allusion to the professions of the Van Buren party to be democrats par excellence, he very happily said: "Of all their usurpations, I know of none more absurd than the usurpation of this name."

"I WAS BORN A DEMOCRAT," said he, subsequently in a speech delivered in Indiana-" rocked in the cradle of the Revolution

and at the darkest period of that ever-memorable struggle for freedom. I recollect, in 1781 or 1782, a visit made by Tarleton's troops to the house of my mother, and of their running their swords into the new-made graves of my father and grandfather, thinking they contained hidden treasures. Though then not more than four or five years of age, the circumstance of that visit is vividly remembered, and it will be to the last moment of my life. I was born a democrat- was raised and nurtured a republicanand shall die a republican in the faith and principles of my fathers."

XIX.

THE XXVIITH CONGRESS-TYLERISM.

THE election of General Harrison to the presidency in the autumn of 1840, by an immense majority, was hailed by the whigs as the triumphant consummation of their long and arduous twelve years' struggle against the destructive principles and measures which had prevailed during the ascendency of Jackson and Van Buren. A majority of the people had at length passed their solemn verdict against those measures, and in favor of the legislation for which Mr. Clay and the whigs in Congress had been so unanimously contending. Before commencing his journey to the seat of government, General Harrison visited Mr. Clay, and personally tendered him any office in the president's gift. Mr. Clay respectfully declined all invitations of this kind,

and announced his intention of retiring from the senate as soon as the objects for which he and his friends had been laboring so strenuously, were placed in a train of accomplishment.

The session of Congress preceding the new president's installation, found Mr. Clay at his post, still prompt and active in the service of his country. On the land bill—the repeal of the subtreasury—the bill to establish a uniform system of bankruptcy — the treasury-note bill-the pre-emption and distribution project -and other important questions, on which his views are familiar to our readers, he addressed the senate with his accustomed eloquence and energy. In his speech of the 28th of January, 1841, on the land bill, he entered into an able vindication of whig principles and measures, as contrasted with those of the expiring administration. There being still a Van Buren majority, Mr. Clay's resolutions, repealing the sub-treasury, after affording occasion for some eloquent debates, were laid on the table, the 19th of February. Some remarks being made in the senate by Mr. Cuthbert, toward the close of the session, of a character prejudicial to Mr. Webster, Mr. Clay eloquently vindicated that distinguished senator, and bore testimony to his exalted merits.

The second session of the 26th Congress terminated on the night of the 3d of March—the Van Buren men having refused to pass a bankrupt bill, and other important measures. The day after the adjournment, General Harrison was inaugurated President of the United States; and, on the 18th of March, he issued his proclamation for an extra session of Congress, to commence on the last Monday in May. Before that period arrived, and precisely a month after his inauguration, the venerable president departed this life; and, by a provision of the constitution, John Tyler of Virginia, the vice-president, was invested with the authority of president of the United States.

The extraordinary session of Congress, convened by the proclamation of the lamented Harrison, took place at the appointed time, the last Monday in May, 1841. Never was there a body of representatives who came together with a more patriotic and honorable desire faithfully to execute the will of their constituents, the majority of the people of the United States, than the whigs, who composed the 27th Congress. Mr. Clay at once took active