LETTER TO S. F. BRONSON.

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It having been understood that Mr. Clay would make a tour to the southeast during the autumn of 1843, innumerable letters from committees in all sections of the country were poured in upon him, requesting him to visit a multitude of places, both on his route and aside from it. The task of replying to these letters must alone have been exceedingly laborious. North Carolina was, we believe, the first to claim from him a visit. In his reply to a committee of citizens of Raleigh, dated 10th July, 1843, he consents to pay a visit, some time in the course of the next spring to that state, which was "the first to declare the independence of the colonies, and will be among the last to abandon the support of the Union."

Several letters from Mr. Clay, on the subject of the tariff, appeared during the summer of 1843. Nothing could be more explicit and undisguised than the expression of his views. In his reply, dated 13th September, 1843, to a letter from S. F. Bronson, Esq., of Georgia, asking his opinions in regard to the pro tective policy of 1832, he writes:

"The sum and substance of what I conceive to be the true policy of the United States, in respect to a tariff, may be briefly stated. In conformity with the principle announced in the compromise act, I think, that whatever revenue is necessary to an economical and honest administration of the general government, ought to be derived from duties imposed on foreign imports. And I believe that, in establishing a tariff of those duties, such a discrimination ought to be made, as will incidentally afford reasonable protection to our national interests.

"I think there is no danger of a high tariff being ever established; that of 1828 was eminently deserving that denomination. I was not in Congress when it passed, and did not vote for it; but with its history and with the circumstances which gave birth to it, I am well acquainted. They were highly discreditable to American legislation, and I hope, for its honor, will never be again repeated.

"After my return to Congress, in 1831, my efforts were directed to the modification and reduction of the rates of duty contained in the act of 1828. The act of 1832 greatly reduced and modified them; and the act of 1833, commonly called the compromise act, still farther reduced and modified them. The act which passed at the extra session of 1841, which I supported, was confined to the free articles. I had resigned my seat in the senate when the act of 1842 passed. Generally the duties which it imposes are lower than those in the act of 1832. And, without intending to express my opinion upon every item of this last tariff, I would say that I think the provisions, in the main, are wise and proper. If there be any excesses or defects in it (of which I have not the means here of judging), they ought to be corrected.

"My opinion, that there is no danger hereafter of a high tariff, is founded on the gratifying fact that our manufactures have now taken a deep root, In

their infancy, they needed a greater measure of protection; but, as they grow and advance, they acquire strength and stability, and, consequently, will require less protection. Even now, some branches of them are able to maintain, in distant markets, successful competition with rival foreign manufactures."

In his

By this it will be seen that Mr. Clay, so far from contemplating the expediency of higher and higher duties, believes that the rapid and constant progress of our manufactures tends ever to diminish, instead of to increase, the necessity of decidedly protective duties. He never was in favor of a high tariff. own language, he believes that "the revenue from the general government should be derived from the foreign imports, to the exclusion of direct taxes, and the proceeds of the sales of public lands; and that no more revenue should be levied than is necessary to an economical administration of the government: but that, in levying it, such discriminations ought to be made as will afford moderate and reasonable protection to American interests against the rivalry and prohibitory policy of foreign powers."

Notwithstanding these clear and unequivocal declarations, the attempt is frequently made to misrepresent Mr. Clay's views in regard to the tariff. Surely there is no longer any excuse for ignorance upon this subject among persons claiming to be intel ligent.

In December, 1843, Mr. Clay's private affairs again required his presence in New Orleans. He was welcomed on his route to that city by the same testimonials of popular attachment that had signalized his journey of the preceding year; and, during his residence in the great southern metropolis, citizens of all parties seemed to unite in doing him honor. Before his departure, the state convention of the democratic whigs of Louisiana, which was holding its session at the time, formed in procession, the 23d of February, 1844, and marched to the St. Charles hotel, where he was staying, to tender their respects. On the 25th of February, he reached Mobile, on his way to North Carolina Although it was the sabbath, and of course no civic ceremonies denoted the welcome which was swelling in every bosom, yet the wharves were lined with a dense and innumerable throng, eager to catch a glimpse of him as he disembarked. On the 5th of March he left Mobile for Montgomery, Columbus (Georgia),

SPEECH AT CHARLESTON, S. c.

217

Macon, and other intermediate cities on his route, followed by the best hopes of the people.

A letter from him to the whigs of Philadelphia, bearing date the 10th of February, 1844, is worthy of mention in this place for the sentiments it expressed in regard to Washington. Mr Clay had been invited to unite in the celebration of the anniversary of the birth of the hero of Mount Vernon. Distance and unavoidable engagements prevented his acceptance of the invitation. In his reply, he says:-

"The birth of no man that ever lived is so well entitled to perpetual commemoration as a rare blessing bestowed on mankind by the goodness of Providence. In contemplating his career and character, we behold displayed and concentrated in him, calmness, dignity, moderation, firmness, fidelity, disinterestedness, wisdom-all the virtues that adorn the warrior, the patriot, the statesman, and the honest man. Most justly has he acquired the title of the Father of his country. During the Revolution, and since, many good men have arisen in the United States; but WASHINGTON stands at an immeasurable height, elevated far above them all."

As

On the 1st of April, 1844, Mr. Clay reached Columbia, South Carolina, where he was the guest of the honorable William C. Preston. On the 6th, he visited Charleston; and here all sorts of honors and gratulations were heaped upon him by the enthusiastic whigs of that hospitable city. He was received by an immense concourse of citizens in the theatre, and being addressed by the venerable Dr. Wm. Read, one of the few surviving officers of the revolution, he replied in a speech of nearly two hours' duration, which commanded and repaid the closest attention. the tariff was the subject which most intimately affected the interests of his hearers, he reiterated, with his accustomed frankness, his views in regard to it. He declared himself in favor of a system of protection, moderate, reasonable, certain, and durable-yielding no more revenue than is necessary for an honest and economical administration of the government, and, within that limit, discriminating in the imposition of duties between those articles which do and those which do not enter into competition with domestic industry-throwing the heavier duty on the former, and the lighter duty on the latter. Peace could only be found by taking the middle path. Neither interest nor section could expect to have it all its own way. The matter must be adjusted by concession, compromise, conciliation-such concession, com

J

promise, and conciliation, as led to the adoption of the federal constitution, and under the influence of which our political union would continue to fulfil its sacred trust, and move forward in its high career a blessing to our race.

At Raleigh, on the 12th, Mr. Clay met with a reception every way worthy the "Old North state." His friend and former fellow-laborer, B. W. Leigh, of Virginia, made the journey to Raleigh to meet him, and addressed the multitude from the porch of the capitol with great animation and effect. Mr. Clay was escorted by an immense throng of citizens to the residence of the governor of the state, Mr. Morehead, where he remained during his stay in Raleigh.

At Wilmington he addressed the people, and one paragraph of his speech commends him to the confidence of his countrymen of all parties. He said: "I am a whig: I am so because I believe the principles of the whig party are best adapted to promote the prosperity of the country. I seek to change no man's allegiance to his party, be it what it way. A life of great length and experience has satisfied me that all parties aim at the common good of the country. The great body of the democrats, as well as the whigs, are so from a conviction that their policy is patriotic. I take the hand of one as cordially as that of another, for all are Americans. I place COUNTRY far above all parties. Look aside from that, and parties are no longer worthy of being cherished."

On the 18th of April, he passed on to Petersburg, Virginia and, the Saturday following, embarked for Norfolk, where he did not arrive till Sunday morning, owing to the detention of the boat by fog. His progress was a series of ovations. On the 26th, he arrived in Washington. He was now approaching one of the most interesting epochs of his eventful life. By acclamation the whigs of the country seemed to call upon him to stand forth once more, the worthiest embodiment of their principles, the candidate of their choice and affections. In every state there were spontaneous movements of the people, which precluded all doubt as to the result of the deliberations of a whig national convention for the nomination of president. We must here indulge in a brief retrospect of public events connected with Mr. Clay's

HIS RELATIONS WITH GENERAL HARRISON.

219

recent career; and it is with no wish to revive old griefs that we shall touch upon topics, in their views upon which good whigs may differ. Our object is to present such facts as should guard us for the future against errors, which all experience calls out upon us to shun.

XXI.

CLAY-HARRISON-TYLER.

DURING the whole canvass of 1840, and up to the time of General Harrison's death, he and Mr. Clay were upon terms of the most confidential intimacy. All were sensible of the noble disinterestedness of Mr. Clay's course, but no one appreciated it more highly, or felt more grateful for it toward him, than General Harrison himself. On the 15th of January, 1840, the general addressed a letter from North Bend to Mr. Clay at Wash ington city, from which we have been permitted to make the following extract :

"MY DEAR SIR: The generosity of your nature will not permit you to doubt that my feelings of gratitude toward you for the magnanimity of your conduct toward me, in relation to the nomination for the presidency, are such as they ought to be, although I have so long delayed to express them directly to you. I must beg you also to believe that if the claims derived from your superior talents and experience (so universally acknowledged by my supporters), had prevailed over those which accidental circumstances had conferred upon me, and enabled the convention to name you as the candidate, that you would have had no more zealous supporter in the Union than I should have been."

The first time they met after the election was at the house of Governor Letcher in Frankfort, Kentucky; and Mr. Clay afterward entertained the president elect at Ashland. During their interviews on those occasions, they had long, full, and interesting conversations, on the state of public affairs. In their first interview, General Harrison offered, and Mr. Clay promptly declined, any place in the new administration. He was then resolved to

Both of them concurred

retire from the senate to private life. in the expediency of a call of an extra session of Congress,