SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE.

75

The simple words, "who will?" are said, by an intelligent observer, who was present, to have been uttered in a tone of such thrilling pathos, as to stir up the deepest sensibilities of the audience. It is by such apparent simple appeals that Mr. Clay, with the aid of his exquisitely modulated voice, often produces the most powerful and lasting effects.

We shall not attempt to present a summary of this magnificent address. "No abstract," says one who heard it, "can furnish an adequate idea of a speech, which, as an example of argumentative oratory, may be safely tried by the test of the most approved models of any age or country. Rich in all the learning connected with the subject; methodized in an order which kept that subject constantly before the hearer, and enabled the meanest capacity to follow the speaker without effort, through a long series of topics, principal and subsidiary; at once breathing sentiments of generous philanthropy and teaching lessons of wisdom; presenting a variety of illustrations which strengthened the doctrines that they embellished; and uttering prophecies, on which, though rejected by the infidelity of the day, time has stamped the seal of truth: this speech will descend to the latest posterity and remain embalmed in the praises of mankind, long after tumults of military ambition and the plots of political profligacy have passed into oblivion."

After repeated efforts and repeated failures to carry his generous measures in behalf of South American liberty, Mr. Clay, on the tenth of February, 1821, submitted for consideration a resolution declaring that the house of representatives participated with the people of the United States, in the deep interest which they felt for the success of the Spanish provinces of South America, which were struggling to establish their liberty and independence; and that it would give its constitutional support to the president of the United States, whenever he might deem it expedient to recognise the sovereignty and independence of those provinces.

On this resolution a debate of nearly four hours ensued, in which Mr. Clay sustained the principal part. Only twelve members voted against the first clause of it; and on the second, the votes were eighty-seven for, and sixty-eight against it. The

question was then taken on the resolution as a whole, and carried in the affirmative; and Mr. Clay immediately moved that a committee of two members should be appointed, to present it to President Monroe. Although such a course was not very usual, a committee was accordingly ordered, and Mr. Clay was appointed its chairman. It was a great triumph. He had been long and ardently engaged in the cause, and, during a greater part of the time, opposed by the whole weight of Mr. Monroe's administration. And when he was appointed chairman of the committee, to present the resolution, Mr. Monroe's friends regarded it as a personal insult, and Mr. Nelson, of Virginia, one of the warmest of them, retired from the capitol, after the adjournment of the house, denouncing the act in the loudest tones of his remarkable voice, on his way down Pennsylvania avenue, as an unprecedented indignity to the chief magistrate.

On the 8th day of March, 1822, the president sent a message to the house of representatives, recommending the recognition of South American independence. The recommendation was referred to the committee on foreign relations, which, on the 19th of the same month, reported in favor of the recommendation, and of an appropriation to carry it into effect. The vote of recogni tion was finally passed on the 28th, with but a single dissenting voice.

He

He ap

Such is a brief sketch of Mr. Clay's magnanimous efforts in behalf of South American independence. His zeal in the cause was unalloyed by one selfish impulse, or one personal aim. could hope to gain no political capital by his course. pealed to no sectional interest; sustained no party policy; labored for no wealthy client; secured the influence of no man, or set of men, in his championship of a remote, unfriended, and powerless people. Congress and the president were vehemently opposed to his proposition. But in the face of discomfiture, he persevered, till he succeeded in making converts of his opponents, and in effecting the triumph of his measure. Almost single-handed, he sustained it through discouragement and hostility till it was crowned with success.

The effect of his spirit-stirring appeals in cheering the patriots of South America, was most gratifying and decided. His mem

CORRESPONDENCE WITH BOLIVAR.

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orable plea of March, 1818, was, as one of his most embittered adversaries has told us, read at the head of the South American armies, to exalt their enthusiasm in battle, and quicken the con summation of their triumphs.

The following letter from Bolivar, with Mr. Clay's reply, belongs to this period of his history:

"BOGOTA, 21st November, 1827.

"SIR: I can not omit availing myself of the opportunity offered me by the departure of Col. Watts, chargé d'affaires of the United States, of taking the liberty of addressing your excellency. This desire has long been entertained by me for the purpose of expressing my admiration of your excellency's bril liant talents and ardent love of liberty. All America, Colombia, and myself, owe your excellency our purest gratitude for the incomparable services you have rendered to us, by sustaining our course with a sublime enthusiasm. Accept, therefore, this sincere and cordial testimony which I hasten to offer to your excellency, and to the government of the United States, who have so greatly contributed to the emancipation of your southern brethren. "I have the honor to offer to your excellency my distinguished consider

ation.

"Your excellency's obedient servant,

"BOLIVAR."

The following is a characteristic extract from Mr. Clay's reply:

:

"WASHINGTON, 27th October, 1828.

"SIR: It is very gratifying to me to be assured directly by your excellency, that the course which the government of the United States took on this memorable occasion, and my humble efforts, have excited the gratitude and commanded the approbation of your excellency. I am persuaded that I do not misinterpret the feelings of the people of the United States, as I certainly express my own, in saying, that the interest which was inspired in this country by the arduous struggles of South America, arose principally from the hope, that, along with its independence, would be established free institutions, insuring all the blessings of civil liberty. To the accomplishment of that object we still anxiously look. We are aware that great difficulties oppose it, among which, not the least is that which arises out of the existence of a large military force, raised for the purpose of resisting the power of Spain. Standing armies, organized with the most patriotic intentions, are dangerous instruments. They devour the substance, debauch the morals, and too often destroy the liberties of the people. Nothing can be more perilous or unwise than to retain them after the necessity has ceased which led to their formation, especially if their numbers are disproportionate to the revenues of the state.

"But, notwithstanding all these difficulties, we had fondly cherished, and still indulge the hope, that South America would add a new triumph to the cause of human liberty: and, that Providence would bless her, as he had her northern sister, with the genius of some great and virtuous man, to con duct her securely through all her trials. We had even flattered ourselves that we beheld that genius in your excellency. But I should be unworthy of the consideration with which your excellency honors me, and deviate

from the frankness which I have ever endeavored to practise, if I did not, on this occasion, state, that ambitious designs have been attributed by your enemies to your excellency, which have created in my mind great solicitude. They have cited late events in Colombia as proofs of these designs. But, slow in the withdrawal of confidence which I have once given, I have been most unwilling to credit the unfavorable accounts which have from time to time reached me. I can not allow myself to believe, that your excellency will abandon the bright and glorious path which lies plainly before you, for the bloody road, passing over the liberties of the human race, on which the vulgar crowds of tyrants and military despots have so often trodden. I will not doubt, that your excellency will, in due time, render a satisfactory explanation to Colombia and the world, of the parts of your public conduct which have excited any distrust; and that, preferring the true glory of our immortal Washington to the ignoble fame of the destroyers of liberty, you have formed the patriotic resolution of ultimately placing the freedom of Colombia upon a firm and sure foundation. That your efforts to that end may be crowned with complete success, I most fervently pray.

"I request that your excellency will accept assurances of my sincere wishes for your happiness and prosperity.

"H. CLAY."

The disinterestedness of Mr. Clay's motives, in his course to ward the South American republics, was forcibly displayed in his frank and open appeal to Bolivar. Had his object been to acquire influence and popularity among the people of those countries, he would hardly have addressed such plain reproaches and unpalatable truths to a chief who was all-powerful with them at the time. But in a cause where the freedom of any portion of mankind was implicated, Mr. Clay was never known to hesitate, to reckon his own interests, or to weigh the consequences to himself from an avowal of his own opinions. On all subjects, indeed, he is far above disguise; and though he may sometimes incur the charge of indiscretion by his uncalculating candor and fearless translucency of sentiment, the trait is one which claims for him our affection and confidence. Independent in his opinions as in his actions, no suggestion of self-interest could ever interpose an obstacle to the bold and magnanimous utterance of the former, or to the conscientious discharge of the latter.

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VI.

INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT-PROTECTION.

WE have seen that from an early period Mr. Clay was an advocate of the doctrine of internal improvement. His speech in Congress in 1806, had been in vindication of the policy authorizing the erection of a bridge across the Potomac river. In the passages we have quoted from his speech of January, 1816, he declared himself in favor not only of a system of internal improvement, but of protection to our manufactures.

It will be remembered that the bill appropriating for purposes of internal improvement the bonus which was to be paid by the Bank of the United States to the general government, after having been passed by Congress, had been returned by President Madison without his signature, in consequence of constitutional objections to the bill. Mr. Clay had been much surprised at this act; for Mr. Madison, in one of his messages, had said: "I particularly invite again the attention of Congress to the expediency of exercising their existing powers, and, where necessary, of resorting to the prescribed mode of enlarging them, in order to effectuate a comprehensive system of roads and canals, such as will have the effect of drawing more closely together every part of our country, by promoting intercourse and improvements, and by increasing the share of every part in the common stock of national prosperity."

Mr. Monroe, in anticipation of the action of Congress, had expressed an opinion in his message opposed to the right of Congress to establish a system of internal improvement.

Mr Jeffer

son's authority was also cited to show that, under the constitution, roads and canals could not be constructed by the general government without the consent of the state or states through which they were to pass. Thus three successive presidents had opposed the proposition.

Against this weight of precedent, Mr. Clay undertook to persuade Congress of their power under the constitution to appro