from Science,' if they can reach her in safety." Stranger. "What is it ?”

"The one which they shall receive | Philosophy cannot prevent a man from being a Drunkard,' and a 'Debauchee,' or keep him from avarice, injustice, treachery, or any act of a disordered mind."

Stranger.
cases."
Old Man.

"'Tis true, we see many such

Old Man. "The true knowledge of every thing fit and proper, which is a safe, sure, and unchangeable gift. To this, he tells them to fly quickly. And when they come to those women, "What superior advantages therewho I told you before were called 'Intemper-fore has education been to them, in the way of ance' and 'Voluptuousness,' he bids them hurry making them better men?"

to

past them, and place no confidence in them, but 35. Stranger. "Evidently none, on your to proceed until they come to False Science,' premises. But why do they spend any time in and to tarry awhile with her, and get from her the second circle, just as they are drawing near what they may want to assist them on their jour- True Science ?" ney, and then to go on by the shortest route to Old Man. "And what good does their delay True Science.' Such are the directions which do them? when we can frequently see people the Guardian Genius' gives. And whatever un- who pass these learned men and proceed at once fortunate creature transgresses or disobeys them, from 'Intemperance' and the other vice we menperishes miserably. (33.) Such is the interpre- tioned, in the first circle to the third circle to tation of the myth contained in this painting. If True Science.' Have they, then, any superior you wish to enquire more particularly about any advantages? Nay, they become either more obportion of it, do not hesitate to do so, for I will stinate or more unteachable."

gladly explain it to you."

Stranger. "You are very kind. Pray, what
does the 'Genius' tell to them get from 'False
Science ?"
Old Man.
Stranger.

ful."

Stranger. "Pray, How?"

Old Man. "Because if nothing else, these second circle men pretend to know that of which they are profoundly ignorant. Now as long as "Any thing that may be useful." this is the case, they must necessarily be incapa"What has she that would be use-ble of being roused to the pursuit of True Sci

Old Man. "The Rudiments of learning, and as much of other branches of knowledge as may serve to use the language of Plato-as a bridle for youth, to keep them from being drawn off to other matters."

Stranger. "Is it necessary for all who would reach True Science' to acquire these?"

Old Man. "Not absolutely necessary, by any means, but highly advantageous. For these things do not contribute anything to their becoming better men."

6

ence. Then, there is another thing, do you not see that the. 'Opinions' of the first circle accompany them as well as the others? Thus they are in no respect better than they, unless Repentance' should come to them and convince them that they are not with True,' but 'False Science,' by whom they have been deceived; and that living in this manner, they never can be safe. And it behooves you, strangers, to dwell upon and practice what you have been told until these lessons become familiar and habitual to you; to this end you must frequently and un

Stranger. "Do you say they contribute noth- ceasingly think upon them, considering all else ing towards making them better men?"

as of secondary importance: but if you do not act thus, all you have now heard will be utterly worthless."

Old Man. "Not a whit. They can become better without them; still they are not useless. Thus, for example, although we can, by means 36. Stranger. "We will do so. But explain of an interpreter, understand any thing that is to us how it is that the things which men resaid, yet it would he better, if when a confer-ceive from Fortune are not blessings; such for ence should take place we ourselves had a tol- instance as life, health, riches, fame, children, erably accurate knowledge of the language used. success, and the like? or on the contrary, how So there is nothing to prevent a man from be- their opposites are not evils? For your lancoming better without the aid of these branches guage does appear to us to be paradoxical and of learning." improbable."

34. Stranger. "Do those learned men, therefore, possess no advantage over others in the way of moral improvement?"

Old Man. "How can they, when it is evident that they are as much deceived as others about 'Good' and 'Evil,' and are still the slaves of all manner of vice? Indeed the knowledge of language, and the mastery of all Science and

VOL. XV-69

Old Man. "Well then, will you try to give me your opinion on the questions which I am about to ask?"

Stranger. "Certainly I will."

Old Man. "If a man is leading a life of wretchedness and misery, is existence a blessing to him?"

Stranger. "I think not, but rather a curse."

"How then can life be a blessing | consist, if it does not assist its possessor to be-
come a better man?"

in the abstract, if in this case it is a curse?"
Stranger. "It is a curse to those who live
badly; but a blessing to those who live well."
Old Man.
"Do you tell me, then, that life is
both a blessing and a curse?"
Stranger. "I do."

37. Old Man. "Do not make such incredible statements; for it is impossible that the same thing can be both bad and good. Thus, a thing might be both profitable and injurious, right to be chosen and proper to be shunned at the same time."

Stranger." "That is impossible. Yet, if a life of misery is an evil thing to him who leads it, how is it that existence is not a curse?" Old Man. "Is it not obvious that to live and be very true." to live miserably are not synonymous?"

Stranger. "Yes, that is evident."

Old Man. "A life of misery therefore is an evil, but life itself is not. Because if it were, then evil has befallen those who live well and happily, inasmuch as life, which according to your statement, is an evil, belongs to them." Stranger. "Your argument seems to be very good one."

THE INSTINCT OF IMMORTALITY.

In the quickening dawn of youth,
1 wept my destined lot,

And murmured oft in tones of ruth-
To die, and be forgot!

To perish like the things of earth,
Pass like the zephyr's sigh,
Yet feel within, the thrilling birth,
Of thoughts that cannot die.

The patriot's deed our life blood starts,

The poet's cherished name"
Enshrined within ten thousand hearts-
That were the bliss of fame.

Such yearning is to few unknown,
This instinct of our kind,
To link in common with our own,
The universal mind.

It only soars to reason's height,

When fixed beyond the tomb;

Where, bathed in streams of fadeless light,
The heart's affections bloom.

There only is immortal fame,

In blest communion found,

And there the new, the wondrous name,
Lives the eternal round.

L.

ROME: PAPAL AND REPUBLICAN.

The first inquiry that presents itself is this : What was the nature of the papal sway at Rome, and when and how did it originate?

This question fortunately is easily answeredHistory-papal and protestant-pours a flood of light upon it; and Machiavelli, and Sismondi, Ranke, and Du Pin, are harmonious in the statement of the most important historical facts.

It is conceded on all hands that originally the Bishop of Rome presided simply as a churchman over his diocese. Catholics themselves admit that his temporal power was an acquisition of subsequent times.

Machiavelli, in his Florentine Histories, gives the clearest and most authentic account of the temporal power of the Pope.

"About the year 578," he says, "the Pontiffs of Rome began to assume a greater degree of authority than ever before. The first successors of St. Peter had been venerated for the sanctity of their lives and the miracles they wrought; and their examples gave such credit to the Christian religion, that many princes were forced to acknowledge it to put an end to the distractions that reigned throughout the world. The Emperor of Rome having embraced the Christian faith, and established his throne at Constantinople, the Roman empire hastened to its fall, while the Church of Rome rapidly extended her dominion. But as all Italy till the invasion of the Lombards was subject to the dominion either of the Emperors or Kings, the Pontiff's assumed no other authority, than reverence for their virtue and learnRepublicans, not less than monarchists, per- ing won for them. In civil affairs they were still ceive and recognize a distinction between Rev- subject to those princes, who made them their minolution and Rebellion; and Americans estimate isters, and sometimes put them to death for malas fully as Europeans can do, the blessings of administration. The resolution of Theoderic, social order, and are quite as conversant with king of the Goths, to remove the seat of his govthe real grounds of difference between the blind erument to Ravenna, augmented their influence fury of a mob, and the righteous revolt of an oppressed people. In order therefore to determine what should be the conduct and sentiments of Americans, with respect to the present conflict between Rome Papal, and Rome Republican, it must first be decided whether Pius IX. has been expelled from his seat of government by the machinations of treason, or by the impulses of pat

riotism.

But before this question can be determined, it is obviously necessary to know by what tenure the Pope held his temporal sceptre, from whom he derived his power, and to whom he was responsible for its exercise.

in the affairs of Italy; for as Rome was thereby left destitute of a prince, the Romans were obliged for their own safety to yield obedience to the Pope."-(1 vol. Florentine Histories, p. 32.)

Sismondi, in his History of the Italian Republics, p. 17, gives substantially the same account of the origin of the papal sway. "Rome," he says, "had never made part of the monarchy of the Lombards. This ancient capital of the world, with the territory appertaining to it, had since the conquest of Alboin, formed a Dukedom, governed by a Patrician or Greek Duke, sent from Constantinople. The Bishop of Rome however had much more authority over his flock In entering upon this inquiry, we shall avoid as than this foreign magistrate, and when in the much as possible all theological discussion, and year 717, an Iconoclast, or breaker of images, shall confine our remarks within what may be filled the throne of Constantinople, the popes called lay limit; believing as we do that all ap-under the pretence of Heresy rejected his authority peals to prejudices, whether personal or religious, altogether." tend to obscure truth and aid error.

Such was the origin of the Pope's authority

in the City of Rome: not derived from any legitimate source, but taking its rise in usurpation. Let us now trace it to its full extent, and show in what manner his other acquisitions of temporal power were obtained.

At page 42, in his Flo. Hist., he observes:— "After the death of Urban, Pascal II. was made Pontiff, and Henry IV. succeeded to the Empire. He went to Rome and feigning friendship for the Pope, sent him and all his clergy to The next temporality which fell into the hands prison; nor would he set him at liberty, till he of the Pope, was the Exarchate of Ravenna, had conceded to him the right of disposing of all and the territories appertaining to it. Machia- the churches of Germany as he pleased. About velli gives the following account of this transaction.

66

this time, the Countess Matilda died, and left all her possessions to the church."

And this is the meagre account he has left us of this most important affair. It is therefore necessary to resort elsewhere to ascertain what these territories were-who the Countess wasand what right she had to dispose of, by will, a territory embracing seventeen thousand square miles and two millions of inhabitants.

In Lardner's "Outlines of History," (page 236,) he informs us of what these states consisted.

"The Countess Matilda, the great friend of Gregory VII., had left the reversion of her large possessions to the holy See. These were the imperial fiefs of Tuscany, Mantua, and Modena, of which she had certainly no right to dispose."

Gregory III. being advanced to the papacy. and Adolphus to the throne of the Lombards, the latter in violation of the clearest stipulations, seized upon Ravenna, and made war upon the Pope. Gregory seeing the Emperor of Constantinople so reduced, by the above-mentioned losses, looked for no assistance from that quarter; and resolving no longer to trust the Lombards, who had so often broken faith with him, he had recourse to Pepin II., king of France. Pepin readily promised him assistance, but expressed a desire of first seeing him to pay his duty to him in person. Gregory set out for France, and passed through the quarters of his enemies, the Lombards, without any molestation,—such was the veneration men felt for religion in those times. Gregory arrived in France, was honored by that Prince, and sent back to Italy with his troops, who beseiged the Lombard at Pavia. Astolphus was obliged to accept the terms granted him by the French. But Pepin's army had no sooner returned to France than he refused to perform his engagement. The Pope made a second application to Pepin, who sent another army into Italy, overcame the Lombards, took Ravenna, and in opposition to the will of the Greek emperor, gave it to the Pope, with all the territories appertaining to the Exarchate, and Since the time of Gregory VII., (1073,) the the country of Urbino and Marca. No more ex- Papacy had made but oue or two insignificant archs were sent from Constantinople to Raven-acquisitions of territory—if we except the exorna, which was afterwards governed by the will bitant and ridiculous claim of Alexander Vl., of the Pope."-(Flo. Hist., p. 34.) who, it will be remembered, portioned off the Thus, we perceive that the second territorial wide domain lying between the North and the acquisition of His Holiness, like the first, was based upon usurpation-only with this difference, that this title was strengthened by two additional links-Conquest of the people themselves, and Donation from a barbarian king, who had no right to bestow.

The Countess was the wife of Godfrey and the daughter of Beatrice, who was the sister of the Emperor Henry II. She held what is now called the Patrimony of the Church of her uncle, Henry, as imperial fiefs, and yet at her death was induced by Hildebrand (Pope Gregory VII.) the most ambitious, arbitrary and powerful of all the Roman Pontiffs, to bequeathe to the Church what never belonged to her; but which afforded a pretext for their usurpation. This was all be desired. How well he devised his schemes the history of papal rule for eight hundred and seventy-five years affords the best commentary.

South poles, and West of the Azores, between Spain and Portugal. As his Holiness, however, never took absolute possession, or received livery of seisin, of any of his Western dominions, it is hardly worth while to enumerate them as coming under his sceptre.

Charlemagne, the son of Pepin-"the great- The Romagna, which towards the end of the est man that Barbarism ever produced," says fifteenth century was overrun by Cæsar Borgia, Sismondi,-confirmed these grants and added and erected into a principality, after his flight others to the dominion of the Pope; but by far and ruin, was seized upon by Pope Julius, who, the largest portion of the papal territory was it will be remembered, sword in hand, was the conferred upon the Church, by the last will and testament of the Countess Matilda.

Machiavelli is very brief in his account of this affair. Being a staunch Catholic, he may have thought that the less he said about it the better.

first to mount the breastworks of Mirandola.

Paul III. seized on Perugia; and Citta di Cas tello was conquered by Julius III. in 1550. Clement VIII. usurped the Duchy of Ferrara in 1595. And the Duchy of Urbino was seized in the sev

teenth century—which was the last territorial | tor, consensu, urbis et orbis, of the modern Babycquisition in the long series of papal usurpa- lon, and the Patrimony of the Church.

ons.

Thus we have before us, the whole Patrimony 7 St. Peter: not one foot of which the Pope an claim by any legitimate title. As a tempoal prince, the Roman Pontiff has always been e most despotic in Europe; for as he held his hole domain by acts of usurpation, fraud, and foodshed, his subjects have embraced every oportunity to revolt from his government, and he as been compelled to practice all the black arts f despotism to maintain his sway.

Now in order to test the validity of this argument, it is necessary to inquire into the form and mode of his election. For surely no one in these times, with his eyes open and his reason sound, will question this great political truth, that a government in order to be rightly founded, must be based either on the silent consent, or the expressed will of the people over whose destinies it presides. The most abject Don Cossack in the Czar's dominions would laugh in the face of the Emperor himself, were Nicholas to affirm that A writer in the London Quarterly Review for he ruled by divine right. The world has outanuary, 1848, speaking of the papal govern-grown its swaddling-clothes, and has not yet been ment, uses the following language: "It should forced into its straight-jacket. The Roman Pone borne in mind that the Roman government tiff can exercise no prerogatives of government as hitherto been equally despotic in form and over the states of the Church, consonantly with rinciple; that no provincial or municipal assem- right and justice, unless the people of those states, lies existed to form the nucleus of a great council. by silent acquiescence or by public approval, exo national spirit or character pervades the he- press their willingness to be subject to his sway. erogeneous realm-made up of possessions, to ardly one of which, anything like a decent title an be shown. The donation of Constantine to t. Sylvester, though ridiculed by satirists, and opped by the papal jurists, is the only charter hat can be adduced for the possession of Rome From the period that Rome was deserted by self, and the Patrimony of St. Peter. The her Emperors, and the seat of Empire changed gro Romano, and the Commarca, may be said o come within the same category. The remoer provinces of the church, though claimed in ght of donations and bequests, were all in fact cquired by conquest and usurpation, by the spoation of princes, and governors, and in direct efiance of the known wishes of the people ;›r no government was less popular in the midle ages than that of the church-none was exosed to more frequent rebellions, and in these peated struggles, all popular rights were tramled on by the victors."

It need hardly be said that the London Quarrly Review is the most rabid journal in Europe its defence of royalty, and the staunchest advoite of hereditary rights, and the corruptions ringing from the Feudal System in the old orld. A system of arbitrary government, then, hich finds not a champion, but an assailant, in London Quarterly Review, must indeed be

tten.

We have seen by what gradual and stealthy progress, the tiara was extended over the territories of the Italian people; let us now trace the course of that same tiara over their rights and liberties.

to Byzantium, (which took place in the year 330, under the reign of Constantine,) down to the year 800, she was successively conquered by barbarians from almost every quarter of the world. For nearly five hundred years she was plundered and ravaged by hordes of the Heruli, Ostrogoths and Lombards; and during the same period she never once exercised the right of choosing her own ruler. It seemed as if

"Fate would rigidly her dues regain,"

by allowing every people and tribe on whose neck her yoke had been once securely rivetted, now to oppress her with the same bondage.

In the eighth century, however, as we have already seen, a happy combination of circumstances enabled the pope, who had become a temporal prince, to assume something like independence, both of the barbarian and eastern

emperors.

Shortly afterwards Rome advanced one step But it may be argued with some plausibility, further towards nationality, and in the year 800 at Pope Pius IX., is not responsible for the il-again rose triumphant from her long servitude, al and disgraceful acts of his predecessors- and exercised the right of choosing her own sovit when he was clothed in the snowy robes and ereign. Sismondi in his history of the Italian wned with the dazzling tiara,—when he was Republics, (page 11) thus describes her resurrecept along the broad aisles and beneath the tion. by dome of St. Peter's to the State Hall of the For more than twenty years the Popes or tican, that he was then constitutionally in- Bishops of Rome had been in the habit of opted into the office of arbitrary sovereign of posing the kings of France to the monarchs Roman people, and was thenceforth impera-of Lombardy who were odious to them, first