or profane, and therefore even in a travestie, such qualities form no part of a legitimate imitation In other respects the tale is a very fair parody of Mr. Scott's border-epics. A short specimen must suffice.

"That was the word of fear and scathie,
The word of tumult, broil, and death;
"Hurra!” cried Wat, and onward flew
Like fire-brand that outwings the view,
And at Sir Guy he made a blow
That fairly cleft that Knight in two ;
Then Walsinghame he turn'd upon,
And pinn'd him through the shoulder-bone
Against the pavement, and the while,
Half said, half sung, with grizly smile,
“Out, songster, with thy chorus true,

What think ye now of Wat o' the Cleuch?"
“Ah! ruffian, ah!—for shame! for shame!"

Were the last words of Walsinghame.' pp. 111, 112.
But all the_tumults ever seen

At Roxburgh gate since that had been,
Were trivial to the clash and clang

That now before the castle rang.

Down came the warriors of the Cleuch,
In foray, feud, or battle true,

With glancing swords and plumes of white,
Dancing and flickering through the night
Like the bog-meteors, darkly seen
By moorland tarn or mountain green,
That spread, that quaver, and retire,
Things half of mist and half of fire;
So came the mountain warriors nigh,
Bedimming sight to foeman's eye.

Swift, steady, silent, and profound,
They came-save that a cluttering sound
Would sometimes whisper in the gale,
To listener's ear unwelcome tale.
Like dark descent of winter snow
That down the night sublimely slow
Steals on the earth with silent pace,
Heaping and smothering Nature's face
Yet sometimes burst of pattering hail
Will trembling shepherd's ear assail;
Loud bursts the wind, the storm is hurl'd
Wide o'er a pale and prostrate world,
As still, as threatful, down they drew,
As loud, as furious, on they flew,
The baited warriors of the Cleuch,
• Wat heard the slogan, and his heart
Leap'd at the sound, up did he start
With madden’d motion, quite the same

As if his tall gigantic frame

Had been machine, that battle knell
Could set, and keep in movement well.
He set his limbs, his sword he swung,
With smother'd shout from pavement sprung,
Whistled his weapon through the air,
For foes were none his blows to bear;
And scarce could Hew the Knight restrain
From dashing 'mid his foes amain,
Though in the court of Scots were none,
And he 'mong thousands all alone.
But as more loud the conflict

Up to the battlements he flew,

grew,

And shouted out, with voice as full
And fury-toned as mountain bull,
"On, kinsmen, on!-ye are the men!
Lay on them, Dicky of Bellenden.

Chirsty of Thorleshope!
Sim of the Brae!
Rutherford! Rutherford!
Hie to the fray!

Huh! for the battle, lads,

Hurra! hurray.' pp. 119, 122.

We must defer till the next Number the further extracts we designed to give from this amusing volume.

Art. XV. 1. Précis de la Vie Publique du Duc d Otrante.-Sketch of the Public Life of the Duke of Otranto 8vo. pp. xxvi. 174. London. Colburn.

2. Of the Revolutionists, and of the Present Ministry; by M. Translated from the French. To which is prefixed, an Historical Memoir of Fouché of Nantes, now styled Duke of Otranto. By the English Editor. 8vo. pp. lxvii 87. London Ilman 1816. 3. Correspondence of the Duke of Otranto with the Duke of Wellington. Letter I. Dresden, Jan. 1, 1816. 8vo. pp. 65 London. Colburn. 4. The Second Usurpation of Bonaparte; or a History of the Causes, Progress, and Termination of the Revolution in France in 1815: particularly comprising a minute and circumstantial Account of the ever memorable Victory of Waterloo. In two Volumes; Maps, &c. By Edmund Boyce. 8vo. London Leigh. 1816.

WE

E have arranged these different publications under the same head. In some respects they vary, both in object and intention, but they all refer to the same period of time, and are, remotely at least, connected with the same events Three out of the four, relate to a very important personage, whom, if we follow the indications of the first pamphlet, we must admire as an illustrious patriot, and a sagacious administrator; but who on the authority of the second, deserves to be held up to scorn and infamy as a desperate adventurer; a rapacious and san

guinary ruffian in the earlier acts of his political life, and a temporizing and treacherous partisan in its later scenes. Between these wide extremes we confess ourselves unable to come to a satisfactory decision. Both parties quote facts in support of their-itions, and yet they arrive at different conclusions: the first uses the Duke of Otranto to the skies; the second would deny to citizen Fouché a habitation and a name' upon the eartone devotes him to the infernal gods; the other clamours for apotheosis. We shall not enter into this difficulty, but shall coufine ourselves to a general statement of the character and contents of the works before us.

The first of these pamphlets has very much the appearance of being written under the direction of Fouché himself. It publishes records hitherto, as it affirms, concealed, and assumes for its authorities documents previously inaccessible; and if its pretensions in this respect are just, it must of course be a confidential work. The writer or editor begins with a high eulogy on Sièyes, Carnot, and Fouché: there is here, however, a little management, for though he praises the first two, it seems to be chiefly for the purpose of elevating the third to a yet higher point.

Each of these put his hand to the machinery of the revolution. The two first thought to direct its force; but Fouché endeavoured to moderate its movements. Sièyes tried to consolidate by organic forms the principle of the revolution the sovereignty of the peoplehe was unsuccessful, he retired and was silent. Carnot tried to establish the republic by victory; to say the truth, he secured victory to the French arms, but the republic perished. At all times it was the only object of Fouché to master the passions of anarchy for the salvation of the state. After twenty-three years devotedness to his country, the re-action prevailed-he quitted France. All the passions, old and new, remained behind'

. The writer passes a very severe and merited censure upon the incredible folly of those persons who persist in going back to the year 1789, and dating all their reasoning from periods anterior to the Revolution. All that has since happened is, in their eyes, guilt; and every individual who has had any part in subsequent transactions, is a criminal. This is not the way to unite and to heal The fierce spirits, the bold and reckless adventurers, whose hopes are pressed down and circumscribed by the present state of things in France, are not likely to submit to this species of proscription; they will retort scorn for scorn, insult for insult, and should it proceed so far,-blood for blood,

The earlier part of Fouché's life was passed in respectable obscurity. He was born at Nantes, May 29, 1763. His education seems to have been good, and at the era of the Revolution he was an attorney resident at his native place: This is

6

the account given by the first pamphlet, the second affirms that he is sixty-seven years of age, that his parentage was obscure, and that in 1789 he was a Father of the congregation of the Oratoire, and a Professor' in one of the colleges of the order. It says nothing of his marriage and settlement at Nantes, but it enters largely into the history of his exploits as a furious and exterminating Jacobin.

This portion of his life is either passed over by the writer of the Précis' or in a few particulars which we find set down, are veiled under a disgusting hypocrisy. His vote on the trial of Louis is lightly touched, and the horrible excesses of his mission to Lyons are concealed under the scandalous falsehood, that he attacked the despotism of plunder and bound anarchy ' in chains.' He also affirms that Fouché stood up boldly against the attacks of Robespierre, and challenged his accuser to the proof. The writer seems to wish it to be understood also, that Fouché was one of the leaders of that opposition which overthrew the tyrant. Nothing of this is true. He fully shared with his colleagues in the atrocities of Lyons; he was one of the familiars of that Bloody Tribunal' which tyrannized over France, and he presided at more than one of its horrible executions. It is true that he abandoned Robespierre; but he was afterwards connected with the party which wanted only power, in order to tread in his steps. Not that Fouché ought to be suspected of constitutional ferocity, but like many others who were involved in those dreadful transactions, he was cruel from motives of policy and cowardice.

6

We shall pass by his connexion with the Directory, and make a few observations on his more splendid career under Bonaparte.

His ministry of Police under the Consulate began by his addressing a circular to the Bishops and one to the Prefects. In each there is a sufficient quantity of galimatias, mingled with some striking observations; and in the missive to the clergy, we suspect, not a little irony; particularly when he hints that if they do not keep their promise to the Government, their eternal interests will be in danger. The address to the municipal magistracy is written in a very bad taste. Instead of that simplicity which is at all times desirable, and especially so when the administration of the laws is in question, we find a perpetual solicitude to be fine; to make subtle discriminations where no difference exists, or where the distinction is so obvious as to baffle every endeavour to evade it It contains, however, one admirable passage fully worthy the earnest attention of all who are concerned in the management of the Police.

Never forget how dangerous it is to arrest on mere suspicion. Consider that your acts, even when errors, are a first presumption VOL. VI. N. S. 2 T

against those whom you shall consign to the tribunals of justice; and meditate in your trembling conscience the stories of so many wretches who have been sent by justice to the scaffold, only because error had brought them before the bar of justice.'

It is well known that Fouché was frequently in disgrace with his imperial master. The writer of the "sketch" attributes this to his manly frankness; the editor of the second publication to the detection of his intrigues; and he quotes in support of his charge, Fouché's letter to Bonaparte' when dismissed from the ministry of the Police to the Government of Rome; and in truth nothing can be more servile and sycophantic than this part of his character. The Précis' proceeds to represent him as the faithful monitor of the restless Napoleon, warning him against the consequences of his adventurous ambition, opposing the invasion of Spain, and the campaign of Moscow, and counselling peace at Dresden. Two interesting letters are inserted at this part of the book, the first to Napoleon respecting the conduct of Murat, and the other to Joachim, pointing out the policy suited to his position: the postscript to the latter contains some sound and judicious advice."

I have just received the letter in which you invite me to transmit in writing the suggestions I had the honour of addressing to you, respecting the constitution which is expected at your hands. I will immediately set about the task. Do not, I entreat you, suffer yourself to be persuaded to fill the heads of the Neapolitans with notions for which they are unprepared. Treat them as you have treated your children; give them only what is fit for them. I fear that this word Constitution, which I hear every where on my road, means, with the greater number, only a vague desire to be released from the restraints of obedience.'

That part of the second pamphlet to which we have hitherto adverted, is only the introduction, drawn up by the English editor; of the work itself we cannot speak very highly. It is written with some degree of talent and spirit, but without any of those far-reaching views, the absence of which nothing can redeem. It is in fact, a mere party effusion, and imputes the temporary success of Napoleon and the flight of Louis, entirely to the error which the latter committed in not throwing himself at once into the arms of the Royalists.

The third publication on our list is of a very different kind. Fouché may have been a very bad man, but his Letter' is the composition of a clear-sighted politician. He speaks out; he recommends moderation and firmness; and we believe that if the Bourbons succeed in making their seat secure, it will be only by acting upon the principles here enforced. We might analyse and extract largely, but the Letter has been so widely diffused by means of the public prints, that it would be useless