"Let me farther ask of you, what idea you can form of "yourself after having called your father a beast, since "by such language you gave no small proof of your "own brutality? But the scandal and malice of your "conduct seem to have been destined to reach your re"lations and benefactors. Nay, such has been the arti"fice of your management, that, as if your own ill-will "was insufficient to incite to a proper degree of revenge, 66 you have demanded the assistance of your guards and "counsellors; you have suborned witnesses of both sexes, "and all of you have united to seek the destruction of one "ancient man. And now, after having caused so many "of both sexes, free as well as slaves, to be put to the "torture on your account, and after a variety of incon"testible evidence to your conviction, you are yet hardy "enough to contradict the truth, and to add to the crime "of attempting to take away the life of your father, that "of denying the authority of those very laws by which "criminals are punished: and this conduct of yours is "not only an insult on the equity of Varus, your judge, "but a contradiction to the principles of natural justice. "For what reason should you discredit these testimonies "that have been obtained by the force of torture, but that you would destroy the credit that is due to the proofs of "your accumulated crimes, and which, at the same time, "have tended to save your father's life?"

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Nicolaus then, addressing himself to Varus, the judge, said, "Sir, I adjure you by the dignity of the Roman em"pire, and by that regard you would have to your own "honor, that you vindicate our sovereign from the insults "offered him by those of his own kindred, by adjudging "to death this most atrocious hypocrite, who under the pretence of respect to his father, sought after the blood, "of his brothers, and if he had not now been detected be"fore his scheme was complete, would have devoted his "father to destruction, to pave his own way to the pos"session of the regal dignity. I am sure I need not in"form you, Sir, that parricide is a crime of the deepest "dye; that it is not only a private offence against the "party immediately injured, but a public insult to the laws of life and existence. There seems to be so much

"of infamy even in the thought, as well as in the perpe"tration of this deed, that the very idea of permitting it "to pass unpunished is an insult to human nature, and "to those laws to which we are all equally indebted for "the preservation of our existence."

Having said thus much, Nicolaus adverted to some idle words, which, in a disposition to talk at random, had fallen from the mother of Antipater, with regard to prognosticators and wizards that had been consulted, and sacrifices that had been offered, respecting the life of the king, and the knowledge who was to succeed to the crown. He then mentioned several circumstances relative. to the debauched life which Antipater had lived in the family of Pheroras; his drunkenness, and his immoderate attachment to women. Many particulars were urged against the prisoner, every article of which was proved, some by voluntary evidence, some by extorted confession, and a third sort on the recollection of the accusing parties, who thought it their duty to stand forth on this occasion; and this sort of evidence was deemed of the most credible kind. Every circumstance now tended to the conviction of Antipater; and those spoke with freedom on this occasion, who while he was in power, did not dare to utter their sentiments. In a word, being universally detested by the people, they were free to reveal every ill action of his life.

The situation of Antipater was now wretched beyond description; but the horrors of his mind aggravated every other calamity; since, he had not only the murder of the brothers to answer for, but the malice and rancor that had prevailed through the family, and the proposed treason they were to have combined in committing. His interest seemed to direct all his actions, whether of friendship, or enmity, so that through the whole course of his life he was never known to gain or to lose a friend, but from motives that were selfish in the highest degree: and this contractedness of sentiment by which he was actuated was so well known, that he seemed to be opposed by every honest man, as if it had been a matter of the most absolute impossibility for virtue and Antipater to exist together.

Varus now demanded of Antipater what he had to urge in his own defence; to which he made no other reply, than that he was wholly innocent. Hereupon Varus called for the poison, which had been prepared by Pheroras, (and which it had been discovered was intended for Herod) and giving part of it to a person under sentence of death, he immediately expired. This was so plain a proof of Antipater's guilt, that it was out of his power to say any thing in justification of himself; the consequence of which was, that he was immediately loaded with irons and put into close confinement.

While Antipater was in prison a false report was circulated that Herod was dead, upon which he begged of his keeper to set him at liberty, and made him large promises if he would comply with his request. This, however, the keeper not only refused, but informed Herod of the offers that had been made by his son; upon which he was so enraged, that he sent for one of his guards, whom he ordered instantly to go to the prison and dispatch Antipater, which orders were accordingly obeyed.

The unfortunate fate of Herod's sons made a strong impression on the minds of the people, and was particularly noticed by the potentates of the neighboring nations. Cæsar Augustus himself was astonished at such singular catastrophes, and on that account frequently made use of this saying, that it was better to be Herod's hog than his

son.

But whatever opinion Cæsar might have of Herod, it is certain that Herod had no small veneration for him, or, at least, that he carried his compliments to very great lengths. He not only built two stately cities,* and called

* One of these cities was called Sabaste, which signifies the same in Greek as Augustus does in Latin. It was situated on the same spot where stood Samaria, which Hyrcanus had destroyed, and was in part rebuilt by Gabinius when he was governor of Syria, but, as he was soon turned out of his government, it advanced no farther than a large village, until Herod undertook to finish it, and, in so doing, spared no cost to make it one of the richest and most beautiful cities in the kingdom.-The other was called Cesaria, though its former name was, the Tower of Straton. It stood by the sea-side on the coast of Phoenicia, upon the pass into Egypt, and the buildings in it, as well private as public, were all of marble.

them both by his name, but in the very city of Jerusalem built a theatre and an amphitheatre, and, in honor of Augustus, ordered games to be celebrated, and shows exhibited, agreeable to the custom of the Romans. Nay, to such lengths did he carry his complaisance that he not only set up the Roman ensign (which was the figure of an eagle) over one of the gates of the temple, but even built a sumptuous temple, all of white marble, in memory of the favors which Augustus had conferred on him. These proceedings, however, being inconsistent with the legal constitutions and religion of the Jews, they were greatly disgusted at Herod, and some plots were concerted for taking away his life.

Herod, finding the people were incensed against him for his conduct, resolved, as some amends for the breaches he had made in the laws, to endeavor to recover their good opinions by an act of a public nature. To effect this he formed the design of rebuilding the temple, which, by length of time, as well as the violence of enemies, was in a very decayed and ruinous condition. In the space of two years he got together all proper materials for the work, and in nine and a half more it was finished, and dedicated with all the usual forms and solemnities.

This temple was widely different from Solomon's, as also from that which was built after the captivity, as appears by the following description given of it by Josephus, in whose time it was begun and completed. "The front of this magnificent building (says he) was adorned with many rich spoils which the kings of the Jews had dedicated to God as the monuments of their victories. The middle of it, which was much higher than the two extremes, afforded a very agreeable prospect to the extent of several furlongs to those that either lived in the country, or were travelling to the city. The gate was a very curious piece of workmanship, and from the top hung a variety of rich tapestry of several colors, embellished with purple flowers. On each side of it stood a stately pillar, with a golden vine creeping and twining about it, whose branches were laden with a cluster of grapes, that hung down from the cornices. Round the temple were large galleries, answerable to the rest of the work in magnifi

cence, and in beauty much exceeding all that had been before. The temple was surrounded by three courts or inclosures. The first inclosure, which was a square of a furlong on every side, had a gate on the east, another on the south, and another on the north side; but it had four towards the west; one leading to the palace, another into the city, and two more into the fields. It was secured without by a strong wall, and within was adorned with stately porticos, or galleries, sustained by no less than 162 columns. They supported a roof of cedar very curiously wrought, and made three galleries; the two outermost of which were of the same dimensions, i. e. thirty feet in breadth, fifty in height, and a furlong in length; but that in the middle was half as broad again as the other, and twice as high. The court or area before these galleries was paved with marble of several colors, and, at a little distance, was a second inclosure, formed by an handsome ballustrade of stone, with pillars at equal distances, whereon were inscriptions in Greek and Latin, giving warning to all strangers not to proceed any farther, upon pain of death. To this inclosure there was but one en. trance towards the east, but, towards the north and south, at equal distances, three. In the middle of these two inclosures, there was a third, which included the temple, strictly so called, and the altar of burnt sacrifices, which was fifty cubits high, and forty cubits wide every way, all built of rough stones, on which no tool had ever been used. Into this court (which none but the priests were permitted to enter) there were nine gates; one towards the east, four towards the south, and as many towards the north; but towards the west there was no gate, only one great wall ran all along from north to south. At the entrance of each gate within were large rooms in the form of pavilions, of thirty cubits square, and forty high, supported by a pillar of eighteen feet in circumference; and the whole was adorned with porticos sustained by two rows of pillars, to the east, north, and south, but towards the west there was nothing but the wall."

The re-building of the temple by Herod was the last remarkable occurrence in the history of the Jews, previous to the incarnation of our Blessed Redeemer, which, acVOL. iii, Ų