his exhortations, partly by his threatenings, nay, partly by force, as thinking the victory worse than a defeat to him, if any thing that ought not to be seen were seen by them. He also forbade at the same time, the spoiling of the city, asking Sosius, in the most earnest manner, whether the Romans by thus emptying the city of money and men had a mind to leave him king of a desert; and told him, that "he judged the dominion of the habitable earth too small a compensation for the slaughter of so many citizens." And when Sosius said, "that it was but just to allow the soldiers this plunder, as a reward for what they suffered during the siege ;" Herod made answer, that "he would give every one of the soldiers a reward out of his own money." So he purchased the deliverance of his country, and performed his promises to them, and made presents after a magnificent manner to each soldier, and proportionably to their commanders, and with a most royal bounty to Sosius himself, whereby nobody went away but in a wealthy condition. Hereupon Sosius dedicated a crown of gold to God, and then went away from Jerusalem, leading Antigonus away in bonds to Antony: then did the axe* bring him to his end, who still had a fond desire of life, and some frigid hopes of it to the last, but by his cowardly behaviour well deserved to die by it.

4. Hereupon king Herod distinguished the multitude that was in the city; and for those that were of his side he made them still more his friends by the honours he conferred on them; but for those of Autigonus's party he slew them; and as his money ran low, he turned all the ornaments he had into money, and sent it to Antony, and to those about him. Yet could he not hereby purchase an exemption from all his sufferings; for Antony was now bewitched by his love to Cleopatra, and was entirely conquered by her charms. Now Cleopatra had put to death all her kindred, till no one near to her in blood remained alive, and after that she fell a slaying those no way related to her. So she calumniated the principal men among the Syrians to Antony, and persuaded him to have them slain, that so she might easily gain to be mistress of what they had; nay, she extended her avaricious humour to the Jews and Arabians, and secretly laboured to have Herod and Malichus, the kings of both those nations, slain by his order. 5. Now as to these her injunctions to Antony, he complied in part; for though he esteemed it too abominable a thing to kill such good and great kings, yet was he thereby alienated from the friendship he had for them. He also took away a great deal of their country; nay, even the plantation of palm-trees at Jericho, where also grows the balsam-tree, and bestowed them upon her; as also all the cities on this side the river Eleutherus, Tyre and Sidont excepted. And when she was become mistress of these, and had conducted Antony on his expedition against the Parthians as far as Euphrates, she came by Apamia and Damascus into Judea; and there did Herod pacify her indignation at him by large presents. He also hired of her those places that had been torn away from his kingdom, at the yearly rent of two hundred talents. He conducted her also as far as Pelu. sium, and paid her all the respects possible. Now it was not long after this that Antony was come back from Parthia, and led with him Artabazes, Tigranes's son, captive, as a present for Cleopatra; for this Parthian was presently given her with his money, and all the prey that was taken with him.

* This death of Antigonus is confirmed by Plutarch and Strabo; the latter of whom is cited for it by Josephus himself, Antiq. B. xv. ch. i. sect. 2, as Dean Aldrich here observes.

This ancient liberty of Tyre and Sidon under the Romans, taken notice of by Josephus, both here Bud Antiq. B. xv. ch. iv. sect. 1, is confirmed by the testimony of Strabo, B. xvi. page 757, as Dean Aldrich remarks; although, as he justly adds, this liberty lasted but a little while longer, when Augus

tus took it away from them.

CHAP. XIX.

How Antony, at the Persuasion of Cleopatra, sent Herod to fight against the Ara bians; and how, after several Battles, he at length got the Victory. As also

concerning a great Earthquake.

§ 1. Now when the war about Actium was begun, Herod prepared to come to the assistance of Antony, as being already freed from his troubles in Judea, and having gained Hyrcania, which was a place that was held by Antigonus's sister. However, he was cunningly hindered from partaking of the hazards that Antony went through by Cleopatra; for since, as we have already noted, she had laid a plot against the kings [of Judea and Arabia,] she prevailed with Antony to com mit the war against the Arabians to Herod, that so, if he got the better, she might become mistress of Arabia, or, if he were worsted, of Judea; and that she might destroy one of these kings by the other

2. However, this contrivance tended to the advantage of Herod; for at the very first he took hostages from the enemy, and got together a great body of horse, and ordered them to march against them about Diospolis; and he conquered that army, although it fought resolutely against him. After which defeat the Arabians were in great motion, and assembled themselves together at Kana tha, a city of Celosyria, in vast multitudes, and waited for the Jews. And when Herod was come thither, he tried to manage this war with particular prudence, and gave orders that they should build a wall about their camp: yet did not the multitude comply with these orders, but were so emboldened by their foregoing victory, that they presently attacked the Arabians, and beat them at the first onset, and then pursued them; yet were there snares laid for Herod in that pur. suit; while Athenio, who was one of Cleopatra's generals, and always an anta. gonist to Herod, sent out of Kanatha the men of that country against him; for, upon this fresh onset, the Arabians took courage, and returned back, and both joined their numerous forces about stony places that were hard to be gone over, and there put Herod's men to the rout, and made a great slaughter of them: but those that escaped out of the battle fled to Ormiza, where the Arabians sur rounded their camp, and took it, with all the men in it.

3. In a little time after this calamity, Herod came to bring them succours; but he came too late. Now the occasion of that blow was this, that the of ficers would not obey orders; for had not the fight begun so suddenly, Athenio had not found a proper season for the snares he laid for Herod : however, he was even with the Arabians afterward, and overran their country, and did them more harm than their single victory could compensate. But as he was avenging him. self on his enemies, there fell upon him another providential calamity; for in the seventh year* of his reign, when the war about Actium was at the height, at the beginning of the spring, the earth was shaken, and destroyed an immense num. ber of cattle, with thirty thousand men ; but the army received no harm, because it lay in the open air. In the mean time the fame of this earthquake elevated the Arabians to greater courage, and this by augmenting it to a fabulous height as is constantly the case in melancholy accidents, and pretending that all Judea was overthrown: upon this supposal, therefore, that they should easily get a land that was destitute of inhabitants into their power, they first sacrificed those am.

This seventh year of the reign of Herod [from the conquest, or death of Antigonus,] with the great earthquake in the beginning of the same spring, which are here fully implied to be not much before the fight at Actiuin, between Octavius and Antony, and which is known from the Roman historians to have been in the beginning of September, in the 31st year before the Christian era, deterinines the chronology of Josephus as to the reign of Herod, viz. that he began in the year 37, beyond rational contradiction. Nor is it quite unworthy of our notice, that the seventh year of the reign of Herod, or the 31st before the Christian era, contained the latter part of a Sabbatic year; on which Sabbatic year, therefore, it is plain this great earthquake happened in Judea,

bassadors who were come to them from the Jews, and then marched into Judea immediately. Now the Jewish nation were affrighted at this invasion, and quite dispirited at the greatness of their calamities one after another; whom yet Herod got together, and endeavoured to encourage to defend themseives by the following speech which he made to them:

4. "The present dread you are under seems to me to have seized upon you very unreasonably. It is true, you might justly be dismayed at that providential chastisement which hath befallen you; but to suffer yourselves to be equally ter rified at the invasion of men is unmanly. As for myself, I am so far from being affrighted at our enemies after this earthquake, that I imagine that God hath thereby laid a bait for the Arabians, that we may be avenged on them; for their present invasion proceeds more from our accidental misfortunes, than that they have any great dependence on their weapons, or their own fitness for action. Now that hope which depends not on men's own power, but on other's ill success, is a very ticklish thing: for there is no certainty among men either in their bad or good fortunes; but we may easily observe that fortune is mutable, and goes from one side to another: and this you may readily learn from examples among yourselves; for when you were once victors in the former fight, your enemies overcame you at last; and very likely it will now happen so, that these who think themselves sure of beating you will themselves be beaten. For when men are very confident, they are not upon their guard, while fear teaches men to act with caution; insomuch that I venture to prove, from your very timorousness, that you ought to take courage; for when you were more bold than you ought to have been, and than I would have had you, and marched on, Athenio's treachery took place; but your present slowness and seeming dejection of mind is to me a pledge and assurance of victory. And, indeed, it is proper beforehand to be thus provident; but when we come to action, we ought to erect our minds, and to make our enemies, be they ever so wicked, believe that neither any human, no, nor any providential misfortune, can ever depress the courage of Jews while they are alive; nor will any of them ever overlook an Arabian, or suffer such a one to become lord of his good things, whom he has in a manner taken captive, and that many times also. And do not you disturb yourselves at the quaking of inanimato creatures, nor do you imagine that this earthquake is another sign of another ca. lamity; for such affections of the elements are according to the course of nature, nor does it import any thing farther to men, than what mischief it does imme. diately of itself. Perhaps there may come some short sign beforehand in the case of pestilences, and famines, and earthquakes; but these calamities themselves nave their force limited by themselves [without foreboding any other calamity.] And, indeed, what greater mischief can the war, though it should be a violent one, do to us than the earthquake hath done? Nay, there is a signal of our ene. mies' destruction visible, and that a very great one also; and this is not a natural one, nor derived from the hand of foreigners neither, but it is this, that they have barbarously murdered our ambassadors, contrary to the common law of mankind; and they have destroyed so many, as if they esteemed them sacrifices for God in relation to this war. But they will not avoid his great eye, nor his invincible right hand; and we shall be revenged of them presently, in case we still retain any of the courage of our forefathers, and rise up boldly to punish these covenant-breakers. Let every one, therefore, go on and fight, not so much for his wife or children, or for the danger his country is in, as for these ambassadors of ours: those dead ambassadors will conduct this war of ours better than we ourselves who are alive. And if you will be ruled by me, I will myself go before you into danger; for you know this well enough, that your courage is irresistible unless you hurt yourselves by acting rashly.” *

* This speech of Herod is set down twice by Josephus, here and Antiq. B. xv. ch. v. sect. 3, to the very same purpose, but by no means in the same words; whence it appears, that the sense was Herod's, but the composition Josephus's

5. When Herod had encouraged them by this speech, and he saw with what alacrity they went, he offered sacrifice to God; and after that sacrifice he passed over the river Jordan with his army, and pitched his camp about Philadelphia, near the enemy, and about a fortification that lay between them. He then shot at them at a distance, and was desirous to come to an engagement presently; for some of them had been sent beforehand to seize upon that fortification: but the king sent some who immediately beat them out of the fortification, while he him. self went in the forefront of the army, which he put in battle array every day, and invited the Arabians to fight. But as none of them came out of their camp, for they were in a terrible fright, and their general, Elthemus, was not able to say a word for fear; so Herod came upon them, and pulled their fortification to pieces, by which means they were compelled to come out to fight, which they did in disorder, and so that the horsemen and footmen were mixed together. They were, indeed, superior to the Jews in number, but inferior in their alacrity, although they were obliged to expose themselves to danger by their very despair of victory.

6. Now while they made opposition they had not a great number slain; but as soon as they turned their backs, a great many were trodden to pieces by the Jews, and a great many by themselves, and so perished, till five thousand were fallen down dead in their flight, while the rest of the multitude prevented their immie. diate death by crowding into the fortification. Herod encompassed these round and besieged them; and while they were ready to be taken by their enemies in arms, they had another additional distress upon them, which was thirst and want of water; for the king was above hearkening to their ambassadors, and when they offered five hundred talents as the price of their redemption, he pressed still harder upon them. And as they were burnt up by their thirst, they came out and volun. tarily delivered themselves up by multitudes to the Jews, till in five days time four thousand of them were put into bonds; and on the sixth day the multitude that were left despaired of saving themselves, and came out to fight; with these Herod fought and slew again about seven thousand, insomuch that he punished Arabia so severely, and so far extinguished the spirits of the men, that he was chosen by the nation for their ruler.

CHAP. XX.

Herod is comfirmed in his Kingdom by Cæsar, and cultivates a Friendship with the Emperor by magnificent Presents; while Cæsar returns his Kindness by be slowing on him that Part of his Kingdom which had been taken away from

it by Cleopatra, with the Addition of Zenodorus's Country also.

§ 1. But now Herod was under an immediate concern about a most important affair, on account of his friendship with Antony, who was already overcome at Actium by Cæsar; yet he was more afraid than hurt; for Cæsar did not think he had quite undone Antony, while Herod continued his assistance to him. How. ever, the king resolved to expose himself to dangers: accordingly he sailed to Rhodes, where Cæsar then abode, and came to him without his diadem, and in the habit and appearance of a private person, but in his behaviour as a king. So he concealed nothing of the truth, but spake thus before his face :-"O Cæsar, as I was made king of the Jews by Antony, so do I profess that I have used my royal authority in the best manner, and entirely for his advantage; nor will I conceal this farther, that thou hadst certainly found me in arms, and an inseparable companion of his, had not the Arabians hindered me. However, I sent him as many auxiliaries as I was able, and many ten thousand [cori] of corn. Nay, indeed, I did not desert ny benefactor after the blow that was given him at Actium; but I gave him the best advice I was able, when I was no longer able to assist him in

the war; and I told him that there was but one way of recovering his affairs, and that was to kill Cleopatra; and I promised him, that if she were once dead, I would afford him money and walls for his security, with an army and myself to assist him in his war against thee: but his affections for Cleopatra stopped his ears, as did God himself also, who hath bestowed the government on thee. I own myself also to be overcome together with him, and with this last fortune I have laid aside my diadem, and am come hither to thee, having my hopes of safety in thy virtue; and I desire that thou wilt first consider how faithful a friend, and not whose friend I have been."

2. Cæsar replied to him thus :-"Nay, thou shalt not only be in safety, but thou shalt be a king, and that more firmly than thou wert before; for thou art worthy to reign over a great many subjects, by reason of the fastness of thy friendship: and do thou endeavour to be equally constant in thy friendship to me, upon my good success, which is what I depend upon from the generosity of thy disposition. However, Antony hath done well in preferring Cleopatra to thee; for by this means we have gained thee by her madness, and thus thou hast begun to be my friend before I began to be thine; on which account Quintus Dedius hath written to me, that thou sentest him assistance against the gladiators. I do, therefore, assure thee, that I will confirm the kingdom to thee by decree : I shall also endeavour to do thee some further kindness hereafter, that thou mayest find no loss in the want of Antony."

3. When Cæsar had spoken such obliging things to the king, and had put the diadem again about his head, he proclaimed what he had bestowed on him by a decree, in which he enlarged in the commendation of the man after a magnifi. cent manner. Whereupon Herod obliged him to be kind to him by the presents he gave him, and he desired him to forgive Alexander, one of Antony's friends, who was become a supplicant to him. But Cæsar's anger against him prevailed, and he complained of the many and very great offences the man whom he petitioned for had been guilty of, and by that means he rejected his petition. After this Cæsar went for Egypt through Syria, when Herod received him with royal and rich entertainments; and then did he first of all ride along with Cæsar, as he was re viewing his army about Ptolemais, and feasted him with all his friends, and then distributed among the rest of the army what was necessary to feast them withal. He also made a plentiful provision of water for them, when they were to march as far as Pelusium, through a dry country, which he did also in like manner at their return thence: nor were there any necessaries wanting to that army. It was, therefore, the opinion both of Cæsar and of his soldiers, that Herod's kingdom was too small for those generous presents he made them; for which reason, when Cæsar was come into Egypt, and Cleopatra and Antony were dead, he did not only bestow other marks of honour upon him, but made an addition to his kingdom, by giving him not only the country which had been taken from him by Cleopatra, but besides that Gadara, and Hippos, and Samaria; and moreover, of the maritime cities Gaza,* and Anthedon, and Joppa, and Strato's Tower. He also made him a present of four hundred Galls [Galatians] as a guard for his body, which they had been to Cleopatra before. Nor did any thing so strongly induce Cæsar to make these presents, as the generosity of him that received them.

4. Moreover, after the first games at Actium, he added to his kingdom both the region called Trachonitis, and what lay in its neighbourhood, Batanea, and the country of Auranitis; and that on the following occasion.-Zenodorus, who nad hired the house of Lysanias, had all along sent robbers out of Trachonitis among the Damascens, who thereupon had recourse to Varro, the president of

Since Josephus both here, and in his Antiq. B. xv. ch. vii. sect. 3, reckons Gaza, which had been a free city, among the cities given Herod by Augustus, and yet implies that Herod had made Costobarus a governor of it before, Antiq. B. xv. ch. vii. sect. 9; Harduin has some pretence for saying that Josephns here contradicted himself. But, perhaps, Herod thought he had sufficient authority to put a governor into Gaza, after he was made tetrarch or king, in times of war, before the city was entirely delivered into his hands by Agustus. 18