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would lie still, until Cæsar should have taken cognizance of the affair. So he abode ai Cæsarea; but as soon as those that were his hinderance were gone, when Varus was gone to Antioch, and Archelaus was sailed to Rome, he immediately went on to Jerusalem, and seized upon the palace. And when he had called for the governors of the citadels, and the stewards (of the king's private affairs,] he tried so sift out the accounts of the money, and to take pos. session of the citadels. But the governors of those citadels were not unmindful of the commands laid upon them by Archelaus, and continued to guard them, and said the custody of them rather belonged to Cæsar than to Archelaus.
3. In the mean time Antipas went also to Rome, to strive for the kingdom and to insist that the former testament, wherein he was named to be the king, cas valid before the latter testament. Salome had also promised to assist him, as had many of Archelaus's kindred, who sailed along with Archelaus himself also. He also carried along with him his mother, and Ptolemy the brother of Nicolaus, who seemed one of great weight, on account of the great trust Herod put in him, he having been one of his most honoured friends. However, Antipas depended chiefly upon Irenæus, the orator; upon whose authority he had re. Recied such as advised him to yield to Archelaus, because he was his elder brother, ud because the second testament gave the kingdom to him. The inclinations uso of all Archelaus's kindred, who hated him, were removed to Antipas, when they came to Rome, although, in the first place, every one rather desired to live under their own laws (without a king,) and to be under a Roman governor; but if uy sh uld fail in that point, these desired that Antipas might be their king.
i. Sabinus did also afford these his asisstance to the same purpose, by the let. ders he sent, wherein he accused Archelaus before Cæsar, and highly commended Antipas. Salome also, and those with her, put the crimes which they accus. Bd Archelaus of in order, and put him under Cæsar's hands : and after they had done that, Archelaus wrote down the reasons of his claim, and by Ptolemy sent n his faiher's ring and lois father's accounts. And when Cæsar had maturely weighed by himself what both had to allege for themselves, as also had consider rd of the great burden of the kingdom, and largeness of the revenues, and withal The number of the children Herod had left behind him, and had, moreover, read the letters he had received from Varus and Sabinus on this occasion, he assem. bled the 'ncipal persons among the Romans together (in which assembly Caius, the son of Agrippa, and his daughter Julias, but by himself adopted for his own son, sat in the first seat,) and gave the pleaders leave to speak.
5. Then stood up Salome's son, Antipater (who of all Archelaus's antagonists was the shrewdest pleader,) and accused him in the following speech : :-" That Archelaus did in words contend for the kingdom, but that in deeds he had long exercised royal authority ; and so did but insult Cæsar in desiring to be now heard on that account; since he had not staid for his determination about the suc. cession, and since he had suborned certain persons, after Herod's death, to move for putting the diadem upon his head; since he had set himself down in the throne, and given answers as a king, and altered the disposition of the army, and granted to some higher dignities: that he had also complied in all things with the people in the requests they had made to him as to their king, and had also dismissed those that had been put into bonds by his father, for most important reasons. Now, after all this, he desires the shadow of that royal authority, whose substance he had already seized to himself, and so hath made Cæsar lord not of things but of words. He also reproached him farther, that his mourning for his father was only pretended, while he put on a sad countenance in the day time, but drank to great excess in the night, from which behaviour, he said, the late disturbances among the multitude came, while they had on indignation thereat. And, indeed, the purport of his whole discourse was to aggravate Archelaus's crime in slaying such a multitude about the temple, which multitude caine. ll the festival, but were barbarously slain in the midst of their own sacrifices; and he said there was such a vast number of dead bodies heaped together in the temple, as even a foreign war, that should come upon them (suddenly,] before it was des nounced, could not have heaped together. And he added; that it was the fore. sight his father had of that his barbarity, which made him never give him any hopes of the kingdom, but when his mind was more infirm than his body, and he was not able to reason soundly, and did not well know what was the character of that son whom in his second testament he made his successor: and this was done by him at a time when he had no complaints to make of him whom he had named before when he was sound in body, and when his mind was free from all passion: that, however, if any one should suppose Herod's judgment when he was sick was superior to that at another time, yet had Archelaus forfeited his kingdom by his own behaviour, and those his actions which were contrary to the law, and to its disadvantage. Or what sort of a king will this man be, when he hath obtain. ed the government from Cæsar, who hath slain so many before he hath obtained it?"
6. When Antipater had spoken largely to this purpose, and had produced a great number of Archelaus's kindred as witnesses to prove every part of the accusation, he ended his discourse. Then stood up Nicolaus to plead for Archelaus, He alleged, that “the slaughter in the temple could not be avoided : that those that were slain were become enemies not to Archelaus's kingdom only, but a Cæsar, who was to determine about him. He also demonstrated, that Archelaus's accusers had advised him to perpetrate other things, of which he might have been accused. But he insisted that the latter testament should, for this reason above all others, be esteemed valid, because Herod had therein appointed Cæsar to be the person who should confirm the succession ; for he who showed such prudence as to recede from his own power, and yield it up to the lord of the world, cannot be supposed mistaken in his judgment about him that was to be his heir; and he that so well knew whom to choose for arbitrator of the succession, could not be unacquainted with him whom he chose for his successor.”
7. When Nicolaus had gone through all he had to say, Archelaus came and fell down before Cæsar's knees, without any noise : Upon which he raised him up, after a very obliging manner, and declared, that truly he was worthy to suc. ceed his father. However, he still made no firm determination in his case; but when he had dismissed those assessors that had been with him that day, he deli. berated by himself about the allegations which he had heard, whether it were fit to constitute any of those named in the testaments, for Herod's successor, or whether the government should be parted among all his posterity, and this be. cause of the number of those that seemed to stand in need of support therefrom.
The Jews fight a great Battle with Sabinus's Soldiers, and a great Destruction is
made at Jerusalem. § 1. Now before Cæsar had determined any thing about these affairs, Malthace; Archelaus's mother, fell sick and died. Letters also were brought out of Syria from Varus about a revolt of the Jews. This was foreseen by Varus, who, accordingly, after Archelaus was sailed, went up to Jerusalem to restrain the promoters of the sedition, since it was manifest that the nation would not be at rest; so he left one of those legions which he brought with him out of Syria in the city; and went himself to Antioch. But Sabinus came after he was gone, and gave them an occasion of making innovations; for he compelled the keepers of the citadels to deliver them up to him, and made a bitter search after the king's mo ney, as depending not only on the soldiers which were left by Varus, but on the multitude of his own servants, all which he armed, and used as the instruments of his covetousness. Now when that feast which was observed after seven weeker
and which the Jews call Pentecost [i. e. the 50th day,) was at hand, its name being taken from the number of the days [after the passover,] the people got together, but not on account of the accustomed divine worship, but of the indig. nation they had (at the present state of affairs.] Wherefore an immense multi. tude ran together out of Galilee and Idumea, and Jericho and Perea, that was beyond Jordan; but the people that naturally belonged to Judea itself were abova the rest, both in number and in the alacrity of the men. So they distributed themselves into three parts, and pitched their camps in three places : one was at the north side of the temple, another at the south side, by the Hippodrome, and the third part were at the palace on the west. So they lay round about the Romans on every side, and besieged them.
2. Now Sabinus was affrighted both at their multitude, and at their courage, and sent messengers to Varus continually, and besought him to come to his suc. cour quickly, for that, if he delayed, his legion would be cut to pieces. As for Sabinus himself, he got up to the highest tower of the fortress, which was called Phasarlus : it is of the same name with Herod's brother, who was destroyed by the Parthians; and then he made signs to the soldiers of that legion to attack the enemy: for his astonishment was so great, that he durst not go down to his own men. Hereupon the soldiers were prevailed upon, and leaped out into the temple, and fought a terrible battle with the Jews; in which while there were none over their heads to distress them, they were too hard for them by their skill, and the others' want of skill in war; but when once many of the Jews had gotten up to the top of the cloisters, and threw their darts downwards upon the heads of the Romans, there were a great many of them destroyed. Nor was it easy to avenge themselves upon those that threw their weapons from on high, nor was it more easy for them to sustain those who came to fight them hand to hand.
3. Since therefore the Romans were sorely afflicted by both these circum. stances, they set fire to the cloisters, which were works to be admired, both on account of their magnitude and costliness : Whereupon those that were above them were presently encompassed with the flame, and many of them perished therein; as many of them also were destroyed by the enemy, who came suddenly upon them; some of them also threw themselves down from the walls backward. and some there were who, from the desperate condition they were in, prevented the fire by killing themselves with their own swords; but so many of them as crept out from the walls, and came upon the Romans, were easily mastered by them, by reason of the astonishment they were under; until at last some of the Jews being destroyed, and others dispersed by the terror they were in, the soldiers fell upon the treasure of God, which was now deserted, and plundered about four hundred talents, of which sum Sabinus got together all that was not carried away by the soldiers.
4. However, this destruction of the works [about the temple,) and of the men, occasioned a much greater number, and those of a more warlike sort, to get fogether to oppose the Romans. These encompassed the palace round, and threatened to destroy all that were in it, unless they went their ways quickly: for they promised that Sabinus should come to no harm, if he would go out with his legion. There were also a great many of the king's party, who deserted the Romans, and assisted the Jews : yet did the most warlike body of them all, who were three thousand of the men of Sebaste, go over to the Romans. Rufus also, and Gratus, their captains, did the same (Gratus having the foot of the king's party under him, and Rufus the horse ;) each of whom, even without the forces under them, were of great weight on account of their strength and wisdom, which turn the scales in war. Now the Jews persevered in the siege, and tried to break down the walls of the fortress, and cried out to Sabinus and his party, that they should
and not prove a hindrance to them, now they hoped, after a long time, to recover that ancient liberty which their forefathers had enjoyed. Sabinus, indeed, was well contented to get out of the danger he was in, but ho VOL. II.
distrusted the assurances the Jews gave him, and suspected such gentle treatment was but a bait laid as a snare for them: this consideration, together with the hopes be bad of succour from Varus, made him bear the siege still longer.
Herod's veteran Soldiers become tumultuous. The Robberies of Judas. Simon
and Athrongeus take the Name of King upon them. 6 1. At this time there were great disturbances in the country, and that in many places; and the opportunity that now offered itself induced a great many to set ap for kings. And, indeed, in Idumea two thousand of Herod's veteran soldien got together, and armed themselves, and fought against those of the king's party: against whom Achiabus, the king's first cousin, fought, and that out of some of the places that were the most strongly fortified, but so as to avoid a direct conflict with them in the plains. In Sepphoris also, a city of Galilee, there was one Judas (the son of that arch robber Hezekiah, who formerly overran the country, and had been subdued by King Herod ;) this man got no small multitude together, and brake open the place where the royal armour was laid up, and armed those about him, and attacked those that were so earnest to gain the dominion.
2. In Perea also, Simon, one of the servants to the king, relying upon the hand. some appearance and tallness of his body, put a diadem upon his own head also: he also went about with a company of robbers that had gotten together and burnt down the royal palace that was at Jericho, and many other costly edifices besides and procured himself very easily spoils by rapine, as snatching them out of the fire. And he had soon burnt down all the fine edifices, if Gratus, the captain of the foot of the king's party, had not taken the Trachonite archers, and the most warlike of Sebaste, and met the man. His footmen were slain in the battle in abundance; Gratus also cut to pieces Simon himself as he was flying along a strait valley, when he gave him an oblique stroke upon his neck, as he ran away, and brake it. The royal palaces that were near Jordan at Betnaramptha were also burnt down by some of the seditious that came out of Perea.
3. At this time it was that a certain shepherd ventured to set himself up for a king: he was called Athrongeus. It was his strength of body that made him expect such a dignity, as well as his soul which despised death; and besides these qualifications, he had four brethren like himself. He put a troop of armed men under each of these bis brethren, and made use of them as his generals and com. manders, when he made his incursions, while he did himself act like a king, and meddled only with the more important affairs: and at this time he put a diadem about his head, and continued after that to overrun the country for no little ume with his brethren, and became their leader in killing both the Romans and those ef the king's party; nor did any Jew escape him, if any gain could accrue to him thereby. He once ventured to encompass a whole troop of Romans at Emmaus, who were carrying corn and weapons to their legion: his men, therefore, shot their arrows and darts, and thereby slew their centurion Arius, and forty of the stoutest of his men, while the rest of them, who were in danger of the same fate, upon the coming of Gratus, with those of Sebaste, to their assistance, escaped. And when these men had thus served both their own countrymen and foreigners
, und that through this whole war, three of them were after some time subdued, the eldest by Archelaus, the two next by falling into the hands of Gratus and Ptole mous; but the fourth delivered himself up to Archelaus, upon his giving him his right hand for his security. However, this their end was not till afterward, while at present they filled all Judea with a piratic war.
Varus composes the Tumulls in Judea, and crucifies about two thousand
of the seditious. s 1. Upon Varus's reception of the letters that were written by Sabinus and the captains, he could not avoid being afraid for the whole legion [he had left there.) So he made haste to their relief, and took with him the other two legions, with the four troops of horsemen to them belonging, and marched to Ptolemais, having given orders for the auxiliaries that were sent by the kings and governors of cities to meet him there. Moreover, he received from the people of Berytus, as he passed through their city, fifteen hundred armed men. Now as soon as the other body of auxiliaries were come to Ptolemais, as well as Aretas the Arabian (who out of the hatred he bore to Herod, brought a great army of horse and foot,) Varus sent a part of his army presently to Galilee, which lay near to Ptolemais and Caius one of his friends for their captain. This Caius put those that met him to flight, and took the city Sepphoris, and burnt it, and made slaves of its in babitants, but as for Varus himself, he marched to Samaria with his whole army, where he did not meddle with the city itself, because he found that it had made no commotion during these troubles, but pitched his camp about a certain vilage which was called Arus. It belonged to Ptolemy, and on that account was plus dered by the Arabians, who were very angry even at Herod's friends also. Ho thence marched on to the village Sampho, another fortified place, which they plundered, as they had done the other. " As they carried off all the money they light upon belonging to the public revenues, all was now full of fire and bloodshed. and nothing could resist the plunders of the Arabians. Emmaus was also burnt, upon the flight of its inhabitants, and this at the command of Varus, out of his rage at the slaughter of those that were about Arus.
2. Thence he marched on to Jerusalem, and as soon as he was but seen by the Jews, he made their camps disperse themselves : they also went away, and fled up and down the country ; but the citizers received him, and cleared themselves of having any hand in this revolt; and said, that they had raised no commotions, but bad only been forced to admit the multitude because of the festival, and that they were rather besieged together with the Romans, than assisted those that had re. volted. There had before this met him Joseph, the first cousin of Archelaus, and Gratus, together with Rufus, who led those of Sebaste, as well as the king's army: there also met him those of the Roman legion, armed after their accustomed manner; for as to Sabinus, he durst not come into Varus's sight, but was gone out of the city before this to the seaside: but Varus sent a part of his army the country against those that had been the authors of this commotion ; and as they caught great numbers of them, those that appeared to have been the least concerned in these tumults he put into custody, but such as were the most guilty he crucified: these were in number about two thousand.
3. He was also informed that there continued in Idumea ten thousand men still in arms; but when he found that the Arabians did not act like auxiliaries, but managed the war according to their own passions, and did mischief to the country otherwise than he intended, and this out of their hatred to Herod, he sent them away, but made haste with his own legions, to march against those that had re. volted; but these, by the advice of Archiabus, delivered themselves up to hina before it came to a battle. Then did Varus forgive the multitude their offences, but sent their captains to Cæsar to be examined by him. Now Cæsar forgave the rest ; but gave orders that certain of the king's relations (for some of those there were among them who were Herod's kinsmen) should be put to death ; because they had engaged in a war against a king of their own family. When,