life, which is the prospect of succession; nay, rather, that if all men should be of the same opinion, the whole race of mankind would fail. However, they try their spouses for three years; and if they find that they have their natural purgations thrice, as trials that they are likely to be fruitful, they then actually marry them. But they do not use to accompany with their wives when they are with child, as a demonstration that they do not marry out of regard to pleasure, but for the sake of posterity. Now the women go into the baths with some of their gar ments on, as the men do with somewhat girded about them. And these are the customs of this order of Essens.

14. But then as to the two other orders at first mentioned, the Pharisees are those who are esteemed most skilful in the exact explication of their laws, and in. troduce the first sect. These ascribe all to fate [or providence] and to God, and yet allow, that to act what is right, or the contrary, is principally in the power of men; although fate does cooperate in every action. They say, that all the souls are incorruptible, but that the souls* of good men only are removed into other bodies, but that the souls of bad men are subject to eternal punishment. But the Sadducees are those that compose the second order, and take away fate entirely, and suppose that God is not concerned in our doing or not doing what is evil; and they say, that to act what is good or what is evil is at men's own choice; and that the one or the other belongs so to every one, that they may act as they please. They also take away the belief of the immortal duration of the soul, and the punishments and rewards in Hades. Moreover, the Pharisees are friendly to one another, and are for the exercise of concord and regard for the public; but the behaviour of the Sadducees one towards another is in some degree wild, and their conversation with those that are of their own party is as barbarous as if they were strangers to them. And this is what I had to say concerning the philosophic sects among the Jews.

CHAP. IX.

The Death of Salome. The Cities which Herod and Philip built. Pilate occasions Disturbances. Tiberius puts Agrippa into Bonds; but Caius frees him from them, and makes him King. Herod Antipas is banished.

§ 1. AND now as the etnarchy of Archelaus was fallen into a Roman province, the other sons of Herod, Philip, and that Herod who was called Antipas, each of them took upon them the administration of their own tetrarchies; for when Salome died she bequeathed to Julia, the wife of Augustus, both her toparchy, and Jamnia, also her plantation of palm-trees that were at Phasaelis.† But when the Roman empire was translated to Tiberius, the son of Julia, upon the death of Augustus, who had

There is so much more here about the Essens than is cited from Josephus in Porphyry and Eusebius, and yet so much less about the Pharisees and Sadducees, the two other Jewish sects, than would naturally De expected in proportion to the Essens or third sect, nay, than seems to be referred to by himself elsewhere, that one is tempted to suppose Josephus had at first written less of the one and more of the two others than his present copies afford us; as also, that by some unknown accident our present copies are here made up of the larger edition in the first case, and the smaller in the second. See the note in Havercamp's edition. However, what Josephus says in the name of the Pharisees, that only the souls of good men go out of one body into another, although all souls are immortal, and still the souls of the bad are liable to eternal punishment; as also what he says afterward, Antiq. B. xviii. chap. i. sect. 3, that the soul's vigour is immortal; and that under the earth they receive rewards or punishments according as their lives have been virtuous or vicious in the present world; that to the bad is allotted an eternal prison, out that the good are permitted to live again in this world, are nearly agreeable to the doctrines of Chris banity. Only Josephus's rejection of the return of the wicked into other bodies, or into this world, which De grants to the good, looks somewhat like a contradiction to St. Paul's account of the doctrine of the ews, that they themselves allow that there should be a resurrection of the dead, both of the just and unjust, Acts, ch. xxiv. 15. Yet because Josephus's account is that of the Pharisees, and St. Paul's that of the ews in general, and of himself, the contradiction is not very certain.

We have here in that Greek MS. which was once Alexander Petavius's, but it is now in the library at Leyden, two most remarkable additions to the common copies, though deemed worth little remark by the editor: which upon the mention of Tiberius's coming to the empire, inserts first the famous testimony of Josephus concerning Jesus Christ, as it stands veroatim in the Antiquities, B. xviii. chap. iii. sect.

reigned fifty-seven years, six months, and two days, both Herod and Philip cont nued in their tetrarchies; and the latter of them built the city Cæsarea, at the foun tains of Jordan, and in the region of Paneas; as also the city of Julias, in the Lowe Gaulanitis. Herod also built the city Tiberias in Galilee, and in Perea [beyono Jordan] another that was also called Julias.

2. Now Pilate, who was sent as procurator into Judea by Tiberius, sent by night those images of Cæsar that are called ensigns into Jerusalem. This excited a very great tumult among the Jews when it was day; for those that were near them were astonished at the sight of them, as indications that their laws were trodden under foot; for those laws do not permit any sort of image to be brought into the city. Nay, besides the indignation which the citizens had themselves at this procedure, a vast number of people came running out of the country. These came zealously to Pilate to Cæsarea, and besought him to carry those ensigns out of Jerusalem, and to preserve them their ancient laws inviolable; but upon Pilate's denial of their request, they fell down postrate upon the ground, and continued immoveable in that posture for five days and as many nights.

3. On the next day Pilate sat upon his tribunal in the open market-place, and called to him the multitude, as desirous to give them an answer; and then gave a signal to the soldiers that they should all by agreement at once encompass the Jews with their weapons; so the band of soldiers stood round about the Jews in three ranks. The Jews were under the utmost consternation at that unexpected sight: Pilate also said to them, that they should be cut in pieces, unless they would admit of Cæsar's images, and gave intimation to the soldiers to draw their naked swords. Hereupon the Jews, as it were at one signal, fell down in vast numbers together, and exposed their necks bare, and cried out, that they were sooner ready to be slain, than that their laws should be transgressed. Hereupon Pilate was greatly surprised at their prodigious superstition, and gave order that the ensigns should be presently carried out of Jerusalem.

4. After this he raised another disturbance, by expending that sacred treasure which is called Corban* upon aqueducts, whereby he brought water from the distance of four hundred furlongs. At this the multitude had indignation; and when Pilate was come to Jerusalem, they came about his tribunal and made a clamour at it. Now when he was apprized aforehand of this disturbance, he mixed his own soldiers in their armour with the multitude; and ordered them to conceal themselves under the habits of private men, and not, indeed, to use their swords, but with their staves to beat those that made the clamour. He then gave the signal from his tribunal [to do as he had bidden them.] Now the Jews were so sadly beaten, that many of them perished by the stripes they received, and many of them perished as trodden to death by themselves; by which means the multitude was astonished at the calamity of those that were slain, and held their peace.

5. In the meantime Agrippa, the son of that Aristobulus who had been slain by his father Herod, came to Tiberius to accuse Herod the tetrarch; who not admitting of his accusation he stayed at Rome, and cultivated a friendship with others of the men of note, but principally with Caius the son of Germanicus, who was then but a private person. Now this Agrippa, at a certain time, feasted Caius ; and as he was very complaisant to him on several other accounts, he at length stretched out his hands, and openly wished that Tiberius might die, and that he might quickly see him emperor of the world. This was told to Tiberius by one of Agrippa's domestics, who thereupon was very angry, and ordered Agrippa to be bound, and with some parts of that excellent discourse or homily of Josephus concerning Hades, annexed to the work. But what is here principally to be noted is this, that in this homily, Josephus, having just mentioned Christ, as God the Word, and the Judge of the world, appointed by the Father, &c. adds, that he had himself elsewhere spoken about him more nicely or particularly.

This use of corban, or oblation, as here applied to the sacred money dedicated to God in the treasury of the temple, illustrates our Saviour's words, Mark, vii. 11, 12.

had him very ill treated in the prison for six months, until Tiberius died, after he had reigned twenty-two years six months and three days.

6. But when Caius was made Cæsar, he released Agrippa from his bonds, and made him king of Philip's tetrarchy, who was now dead; but when Agrippa had arrived at that degree of dignity, he inflamed the ambitious desires of Herod the tetrarch, who was chiefly induced to hope for the royal authority by his wife Herodias, who reproached him for his sloth, and told him, that it was only because he would not sail to Cæsar that he was destitute of that great dignity; for since Cæsar had made Agrippa a king from a private person, much more would he advance him from a tetrarch to that dignity. These arguments prevailed with Herod, so that he came to Caius, by whom he was punished for his ambition, by being banished into Spain; for Agrippa followed him in order to accuse him; to whom also Caius gave his tetrarchy by way of addition. So Herod died in Spain,

whither his wife had followed him.

CHAP. X.

Caius commands that his Statue should be set up in the Temple itself; and what Petronius did thereupon.

1. Now Caius Cæsar did so grossly abuse the fortune he had arrived at, as to take himself to be a god, and to desire to be so called also, and to cut off those of the greatest nobility out of his country. He also extended his impiety as far as the Jews. Accordingly, he sent Petronius with an army to Jerusalem, to place his statues in the temple: and commanded him, that, in case the Jews would not admit of them, he would slay those that opposed it, and carry all the rest of the nation into captivity: but God concerned himself with these his commands. However, Petronius marched out of Antioch into Judea with three legions and many Syrian auxiliaries. Now as to the Jews, some of them could not believe the stories that spake of a war; but those that did believe them were in the utmost distress how to defend themselves; and the terror diffused itself presently through them all; for the army was already come to Ptolemais.

2. This Ptolemais is a maritime city of Galilee, built in the great plain. It is encompassed with mountains; that on the east side, sixty furlongs off, belongs to Galilee; but that on the south belongs to Carmel, which is distant from it a hun. dred and twenty furlongs; and that on the north is the highest of them all, and is called by the people of the country the ladder of the Tyrians, which is at the distance of a hundred furlongs. The very small river Belust runs by it, at the distance of two furlongs; near which there is Memnon's monument, and hath near it a place no larger than a hundred cubits, which deserves admiration; for the place is round and hollow, and affords such sand as glass is made of: which place, when it hath been emptied by the many ships there loaded, it is filled again by the winds, which bring into it, as it were on purpose, that sand which lay remote, and was no more than bare common sand, while this mine presently turns it into glassy sand. And what is to me still more wonderful, that glassy sand which is superfluous, and is once removed out of the place, becomes bare common sand again. And this is the nature of the place we are speaking of.

3. But now the Jews got together in great numbers, with their wives and children, into that plain that was by Ptolemais, and made supplication to Petronius,

*Tacitus owns that Caius commanded the Jews to place his effigies in their temple, though he may be mistaken when he adds, that the Jews thereupon took arms.

This account of the place near the mouth of the river Belus in Phenicia, whence came that sand out of which the ancients made their glass, is a known thing in history, particularly in Tacitus and Strabo, and more largely in Pliny.

This Mennon had several monuments, and one of them appears, both by Strabo and Diodorus, to bave been in Syria, and not improbably in this very place.

first for their laws, and in the next place for themselves. So he was prevailed upon by the multitude of the supplicants, and by their supplications, and left his army and the statues at Ptolemais, and then went forward into Galilee and called sogether the multitude, and all the men of note, to Tiberias, and showed them the power of the Romans and the threatenings of Cæsar; and, besides this, proved that their petition was unreasonable, because, while all the nations in subjection o them had placed the images of Cæsar in their several cities among the rest of their gods, for them alone to oppose it was almost like the behaviour of revolters, and was injurious to Cæsar.

4. And when they insisted on their law, and the custom of their country, and how it was not only not permitted them to make either an image of God, or, indeed, of a man, and to put it in any despicable part of their country, much less in the temple itself, Petronius replied, "And am not I also, said he, bound to keep the law of my own lord? For if I transgress it, and spare you, it is but just that I perish; while he that sent me, and not I, will commence a war against you; for I am under command as well as you." Hereupon the whole multitude cried out, that "they were ready to suffer for their law." Petronius then quieted them, and said to them,—-" Will you, then, make war against Cæsar;" The Jews said, "We offer sacrifices twice every day for Cæsar, and for the Roman people; but that if he would place the images among them, he must first sacrifice the whole Jewish nation; and that they were ready to expose themselves, together with their children, and wives, to be slain." At this Petronius was astonished: and pitied them on account of the inexpressible sense of religion the men were under, and that courage of theirs which made them ready to die for it; so they were dismissed without success.

5. But on the following days he got together the men of power privately and the multitude publicly, and sometimes he used persuasions to them, and sometimes he gave them his advice, but he chiefly made use of threatenings to them, and insisted upon the power of the Romans and the anger of Caius; and besides, upon the necessity he was himself under [to do as he was enjoined.] But as they could be no way prevailed upon, and he saw that the country was in danger of lying without tillage, for it was about seed-time that the multitude continued for fifty days together idle; so he at last got them together, and told them, that "it was best for him to run some hazard himself; for either by the divine assistance, I shall prevail with Cæsar, and shall myself escape the danger as well as you, which will be matter of joy to us both: or, in case Cæsar continued in his rage, I will be ready to expose my own life for such a great number as you are." Whereupon he dismissed the multitude, who prayed greatly for his prosperity; and he took the army out of Ptolemais, and returned to Antioch; from whence he presently sent an epistle to Cæsar, and informed him of the irruption he had made into Judea, and of the supplications of the nation; and that unless he had a mind to lose both the country and the men in it, he must permit them to keep their law, and must countermand his former injunction. Caius answered that epistle in a violent way, and threatened to have Petronius put to death for his being so tardy in the execution of what he had commanded. But it happened that those who brought Caius's epistle were tossed by a storm, and were detained on the sea for three months, while others that brought the news of Caius's death had a good voyage. Accordingly, Petronius received the epistle concerning Caius seven and twenty days before he received that which was against himself.

CHAP. XI.

Concerning the Government of Claudius and the Reign of Agrippa. Concerning the Death of Agrippa, and of Herod, and what Children they

both left behind them.

1; Now when Caius had reigned three years and eight months, and had been slain by treachery, Claudius was hurried away by the armies that were at Rome to take the government upon him: but the senate, upon the reference of the consuls Sentius Saturninus and Pomponius Secundus, gave orders to the three regiments of soldiers that stayed with them, to keep the city quiet, and went up into the capitol, in great numbers, and resolved to oppose Claudius by force, on account of the barbarous treatment they had met with from Caius: and they determined either to settle the nation under an aristocracy, as they had of old been governed, or, at least, to choose by vote such a one for emperor as might be worthy of it.

2. Now it happened that at this time Agrippa sojourned at Rome, and that both the senate called him to consult with them, and at the same time Claudius sent for him out of the camp, that he might be serviceable to him as he should have occasion for his service. So he perceiving that Claudius was in effect made Cæsar already, went to him, who sent him as an ambassador to the senate, to let hem know what his intentions were; that "in the first place, it was without his seeking that he was hurried away by the soldiers; moreover, that he thought it was not just to desert those soldiers in such their zeal for him; and that, if he should do so, his own fortune would be in uncertainty: for that it was a dangerous case to have been once called to the empire. He added farther, that he would administer the government as a good prince, and not like a tyrant; for that he would be satisfied with the honour of being called emperor, but would, in every one of his actions, permit them all to give him their advice; for that although he had not been by nature for moderation, yet would the death of Caius afford him a sufficient demonstration how soberly he ought to act in that station."

3. This message was delivered by Agrippa: to which the senate replied, that "since they had an army, and the wisest consuls on their side, they would not endure a voluntary slavery." And when Claudius heard what answer the senate had made, he sent Agrippa to them again, with the following message, that "he could not bear the thoughts of betraying them that had given their oaths to be true to him; and that he saw he must fight, though unwillingly, against such as he had no mind to fight, that, however [if it must come to that,] it was proper to choose a place without the city for the war; because it was not agreeable to piety to pollute the temples of their own city with the blood of their own country. men, and this only on occasion of their imprudent conduct." And when Agrippa had heard this message, he delivered it to the senators.

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4. In the meantime one of the soldiers belonging to the senate drew his sword, and cried out, "() my fellow soldiers, what is the meaning of this choice of ours, to kill our brethren, and to use violence to our kindred that are with Claudius? while we may have him for our emperor whom no one can blame, and who hath so many just reasons [to lay claim to the government;] and this with regard to those against whom we are going to fight.' When he had said this, he marched through the whole senate, and carried all the soldiers along with him. Upon which all the patricians were immediately in a great fright at their being thus deserted. But still, because there appeared no other way whither they could turn themselves for deliverance, they made haste the same way with the soldiers, and went to Claudius. But those that had the greatest luck in flattering the good fortune of Claudius betimes, met them before the walls with their naked swords;