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to, but, forcing themselves into every house, they slew its inhabitants ; so the citizens fled along the narrow lanes, and the soldiers slew those that they caught, and no method of plunder was omitted: they also caught many of the quiet peo. ple, and brought them before Florus, whom he first chastised with stripes, and then crucified. Accordingly, the whole number of those that were destroyed that day, with their wives and children (for they did not spare even the infants them selves,) was about three thousand and six hundred. And what made this cala. mity the heavier was this new method of Roman barbarity: for Florus ventured then to do what no one had done before, that is, to have men of the equestrian order* whipped and nailed to the cross before his tribunal; who although they were by birth Jews, yet were they of Roman dignity notwithstanding.


Concerning Bernice's Petition to Florus to spare the Jews, but in vain; as also hoxe

after the seditious Flame was quenched, it was kindled again by Florus. § 1. ABOUT this very time King Agrippa was going to Alexandria, to congratulate Alexander upon his having obtained the government of Egypt from Nero; but as his sister Bernice was come to Jerusalem, and saw the wicked practices of the soldiers, she was sorely affected at it, and frequently sent the masters of her horse and her guards to Florus, and begged of him to leave off these slaughters; but he would not comply with her request, nor have any regard either to the multitude of those already slain, or to the nobility of her that interceded, but only to the advantage he should make by this plundering; nay, this violence of the soldiers brake out to such a degree of madness, that it spent itself on the queen herself; for they did not only torment and destroy those whom they had caught under her very eyes, but, indeed, had killed herself also, unless she had prevented them by flying to the palace, and had stayed there all night with her guards, which she had about her for fear of an insult from the soldiers. Now she dwelt then at Jerusalem, in order to perform a vowt which she had made to God; for it is usual with those that had been either afflicted with a distemper, or with any other distresses, to make vows; and for thirty days before they (are to offer their sacrifices, to abstain from wine, and to shave the hair off their head. Which things Bernice was now performing, and stood barefoot before Florus's tribunal, and besought him [to spare the Jews.] Yet could she neither have any reverence raid to her, nor could she escape without some danger of being slain herself.

2. This happened upon the sixteenth day of the month Artemisius (Jyar.] Now on the next day the multitude, who were in a great agony, rah together to tne upper market-place, and made the loudest lamentations for those that had pe. rished ; and the greatest part of the cries were such as reflected on Florus ; at which the men of power were affrighted, together with the high priests, and rent their garments, and fell down before each of them, and besought them to leave off, and not provoke Florus to some incurable procedure, besides what they had already suffered. Accordingly, the multitude complied immediately, out of re. erence to those that had desired it of them, and out of the hope they had that Florus would do them no more injuries.

* Here we have examples of native Jews who were of the equestrian order among the Romans, and so ought never to have been whipped or crucified, according to the Roman laws. See almost the like cax in St. Paul himself, Acts, xxii. 25.-29.

+ This vow which Bernice (here and elsewhere called queen, not only as daughter and sister to two kings, Agrippa the Great and Agrippa junior, but the widow of Heroci, king of Chalcis) caine now to ac complish ai Jerusalem, was not that of a Nazarite, but such a one as religious Jews used to make in hopes of any deliverance from a disease, or other danger, as Josephus here intimates. However, these thirty days' abode at Jerusalem, for fasting and preparation against the oblation of a proper sacrifice seems to be too long, urless it were wholly voluntary in this great lady. It is not required in the law of Moses relating to Nazarites, Numb. vi. and is very different from St. Paul's time for such preparation which was but one day, Acts, xxi. 26. So we want already the continuation of the Antiquities to afford us light here, as they have hitherto done on so many occasions elsewhere. Perhaps in this age the tradis tions of the Pharisees had obliged the Jews to this degree of rigour, not only as to these thirty days' pre paration, but as to the going barcfoot all that time, which here Bernice submitted to also. For we know hat as God's and our Saviour's yoke is usually easy, and his burden comparatively light, in such positive injunctions, Matt. xi. 30, so did the Scribes and Pharisees sometimes bind upon men heavy burdens, and grievous to be borne, even when they themselves would not touch them with one of their fingers, Mait Xxiii. 4; Luke, xi. 46. However, Noldius well observes, De Herod. No. 404, 414, that Juvenal in his zixth satire alludes to this remarkable penance or submission of this Bernice to Jewish discipline, and jests upon her for it; as do Tacitus, Dio, Suetonius, and Sextus durelius, mention her as one well kpown at Rome, ibid

3. So Florus was troubled that the disturbances were over, and endeavoured to kindle that flame again; and sent for the high priests, with the other eminent persons, and said, the only demonstration that the people would not make any other innovations should be this, that they must go out and meet the soldiers that were ascending from Cæsarea, whence two cohorts were coming; and while these men were exhorting the multitude so to do, he sent beforehand, and


direc. tions to the centurions of the cohorts, that they should give notice to those that #cre under them, not to return the Jews salutations : and that if they made any reply to his disadvantage, they should make use of their weapons. Now the high priests assembled the multitude in the temple, and desired them to go and meet the Romans, and to salute the cohorts very civilly, before their miserable case should become incurable. Now the seditious part would not comply with these persuasions ; but the consideration of those that had been destroyed made them incline to those that were the boldest for action.

4. At this time it was that every priest and every servant of God brought out the holy vessels, and the ornamental garments wherein they used to minister about sacred things. The harpers also, and the singers of hymns, came out with their instruments of music, and fell down before the multitude, and begged of them that they would preserve those holy ornaments to them, and not provoke the Romans to carry off those sacred treasures. You might also see then the high priests themselves with dust sprinkled in great plenty upon their heads, with bosoms de. prived of any covering but what was rent; these besought every one of the emi. nent men by name, and the multitude in common, that they would not for a small offence betray their country to those that were desirous to have it laid waste, saving, "What benefit will it bring to the soldiers to have a salutation from the Jews? or what amendment of your affairs will it bring you, if you do not now go out to meet them ? and that if they saluted them civilly, all handle would be cut off from Florus to begin a war : that they should thereby gain their country, and freedom from all farther sufferings : and that, besides, it would be a sign of great want of command of themselves, if they should yield to a few seditious persons, while it was fitter for them, who were so great a people, to force the others to act soberly."

3. By these persuasions, which they used to the multitude and to the seditious, they restrained some by threatenings, and others by the reverence that was paid them. After this they led them out, and they met the soldiers quietly, and after a composed manner; and when they were come up with them they saluted them; but when they made no answer, the seditious exclaimed against Florus, which was the signal given for falling upon them. The soldiers, therefore, en. coinpassed them presently, and struck them with their clubs; and as they fled away the horsemen trampled them down, so that a great many fell down dead by the strokes of the Romans, and more by their own violence in crushing one another. Now there was a terrible crowding about the gates, and while every body was making haste to get before another, the flight of them all was retarded, and a terrible destruction there was among those that fell down, for they were suffocated, and broken to pieces by the multitude of those that were uppermost; nor could any of them be distinguished by his relations in order to the care of his funeral; the soldiers also who beat them fell upon those whom they overtook, without showing them any mercy, and thrust the multitude through

the place called Bezetha," as they forced their way, in order to get in and seize upon the temple and the tower Antonia. Florus also, being desirous to get those places into his possession, brought such as were with him out of the king's palace, and would have compelled them to get as far as the citadel (Antonia ;] but his attempts failed; for the people immediately turned back upon him and stopped the violence of his attempt; and as they stood upon the tops of the houses, they threw their darts at the Romans; who as they were sorely galled thereby, because those weapons came from above, and they were not able to make a passage through the multitude which stopped up the narrow passages, they retired to the cainp which was at the palace.

6. But for the seditious, they were afraid lest Florus should come again, and get possession of the temple through Antonia ; so they got iinmediately upon those cloisters of the temple that joined to Antonia, and cut them down. This cooled the avarice of Florus; for whereas he was eager to obtain the treasures of God [in the temple,) and on that account was desirous of getting into Antonia, as soon as the cloisters were broken down, he left off his attempt : he then sent for the high priests and the sanhedrim, and told them, that he was, indeed, himself going out of the city, but that he would leave them as large a garrison as they should desire. Hereupon they promised that they would make no innovations, in case they would leave them one band, but not that which had fought with the Jews, because the multitude bore ill will against that band on account of what they had suffered from it; so he changed the band, as they desired, and, with the rest of his forces, returned to Cæsarea.


Cestius sends Neopolitanus the Tribune to see in what Condition the Affairs of the Jews were.

Agrippa makes a Speech to the people of the Jews, that he may diverl them from their Intentions of making War with the Romans § 1. HowÉVER, Florus contrived another way to oblige the Jews to begin the war, and sent to Cestius, and accused the Jews faisely of revolting (from the Roman government,) and imputed the beginning of the former fight to them, and pretended that they had been the authors of that disturbance, wherein they were only the sufferers. Yet were not the governors of Jerusalem silent upon this oc. casion, but did themselves write to Cestius, as did Bernice also, about the illegal practices of which Florus had been guilty against the city; who, upon reading both accounts, consulted with his captains (what he should do.] Now some of them thought it best for Cestius to go up with his army, either to punish the re. volt, if it was real, or to settle the Roman affairs on a surer foundation, if the Jews continued quiet under them; but he thought it best himself to send one of his intimate friends beforehand, to see the state of affairs, and to give him a faithful account of the intentions of the Jews. Accordingly he sent one of his tri. bunes, whose name was Neopolitanus, who met with king Agrippa, as he was re. turning from Alexandria, at Jamnia, and told hin, who it was that sent him, and on what errands he was sent.

2. And here it was that the high priests and men of power among the Jews, as well as the Sanhedrim, came to congratulate the king (upon his safe return;] and after they had paid him their respects, they lamented their own calamities, and related to him what barbarous treatment they had met with from Florus : at which barbarity Agrippa had great indignation, but transferred after a subtle manner his anger towards those Jews whom he really pitied, that he might beat down their high thoughts of themselves, and would have them believe that (ley had not been so unjustly treated in order to dissuade them from avenging them. selves. So these great men, as of better understanding than the rest, and desi. rous of peace, because of the possessions they had, understood that this rebuke which the king gave them was intended for their good; but as to the people, they came sixty furlongs out of Jerusalem, and congratulated both Agrippa and Neopolitanus ; but the wives of those that had been slain came running first of all and lamenting. The people also, when they heard their mourning, fell into lamentation also and besought Agrippa to assist them: they also cried out to Neopolitanus, and complained of the many miseries they had endured under Flo. rus; and they showed them, when they were come into the city, how the mar. ket place was made desolate and the houses plundered. They then persuaded Neopolitanus, by the means of Agrippa, that he would walk round the city, with one servant only, as far as Siloam, that he might inform himself that the Jews submitted to all the rest of the Romans, and were only displeased at Florus, by reason of his exceeding barbarity to them. So he walked round, and had sufficient expe. rience of the good temper the people were in, and then went up to the temple, where he called the multitude together, and highly cominended them for their fidelity to the Romans, and earnestly exhorted them to keep the peace; and hav. ing performed such parts of divine worship at the temple as he was allowed to do he returned to Cestius.

* I take this Bezetha to be that small hill adjoining to the north side of the temple, whereon was the bospiial with five particoes or cloisters, and beneath which was the sheep-pools of Bethesda, into which an angel or messenger, at a certain season, descended, and where he or they who were the first put into the pool, were cured, John, v. 1, &c. This situation of Bezetha, in Josephus, on the north side of the temple, and not far off the lower Antonia, exactly agrees to the place of the saine pool at this day; only the remaining cloisters are now but three. See Maupdrel, page 106. The entire buildings seein te bara been called the New City, and this part, where was the hospital, peculiarly Bezetha or Bethesda. Ses b. xix. sect. 4.

3. But as for the multitude of the Jews, they addressed themselves to the king and to the high priests, and desired they might have leave to send ambassadors to Nero against Florus, and not by their silence afford a suspicion that they had been the occasion of such great slaughters as had been made were disposed to revolt, alleging that they should seem to have been the first beginners of the war, if they did not prevent the report, by showing who it was that began it; and it appeared openly that they would not be quiet, if any body should hinder them from sending such an embassage. But Agrippa, although he thought it too dangerous a thing for them to appoint men to go as the accusers of Florus, yet did not he think it fit for him to overlook them, as they were in a disposition for war. He therefore, called the multitude together into a large gallery, and placed his sister Bernice in the house of the Asamoneans that she might be seen by them, (which house was over the gallery, at the passage to the upper city, where the bridge joined the temple to the gallery,) and spake to them as follows.

4. ** Had I perceived that you were all zealously disposed to go to war with the Romans, and that the purer and more sincere part of the people did not propose to live in peace, I had not come out to you, nor been so bold as to give you counsel ; for all discourses that tend to persuade men to do what they ought

• In this speech of king Agrippa we have an authentic account of the extent and strength of the Rom man empire when the Jewish war began. And this speech with other circumstances in Josephus de. monstrate how wise and how great a person this Agrippa was, and why Josephus elsewhere calls him

Du Toitetos a most wonderful or admirable man, Contr. Ap. 1, 9. He is the same Agrippa who said to Paul, Almost thou persuadest me to be a Christian, Acts. xxvi. 28; and of whom St. Paul said, Ho Das expert in all the customs and questions of the Jews, ver. 3. See another intimation of the limits of the same Roman empire, Of the War, B. iii. ch. v. sect. 7. But what seems to me very remarkable here is this, that when Josephus, in imitation of the Greeks and Romans, for whose use he wrote his Antiquities, did himself frequently compose the speeches which he put into others' mouths, they appear, by the politeness of their composition, and their fights of oratory, to be not the real speeches of the persons concerned, who usually were no orators, but of his own elegant composure: the speech before us is of an other nature, full of undeniable facts and composed in a plain and unartful, but inoving way; so that it appears to be king Agrippa's own speech, and to have been given Josephus by Agrippa himself, with whom Josephus had the greatest frietidship. Nor may we omit Agrippa's constant (atrine here, that this vast Roinan empire was raised and supported by divine Providence ; and that, therefore, it was in vain for the Jews, or any others, to thiuk of destroying it. Nor may we neglect to take twice of Agrippa's solemn appeal to the angels here used ; the like appeals to which we have in St. l'rul, I Tim. v. 21, and by the apostles, in general, in the form of the ordination of bishops, Constitut. A publ. viii. 4.

to do is superfluous, when the hearers are agreed to do the contrary. But because some are earnest to go to war, because they are young, and without experience of the miseries it brings, and because some are for it, out of an unreasonable expecta. tion of regaining their liberty, and because others hope to get by it, and are, there. fore, earnestly bent upon it, that in the confusion of your affairs they may gain what belongs to those that are too weak to resist them, I have thought proper to get you all together, and to say to you what I think to be for your advantage ; that so the former inay grow wiser, and change their minds, and that the best men may come to no harm by the ill conduct of some others. And let not any one be tumultuous against me, in case what they hear me say do not please them; for as to those that admit of no cure, but are resolved upon a revolt, it will still be in their power to retain the same sentiments after my exhortation is over; but still my discourse will fall to the ground even with relation to those that have a mind to hear me, unless you all keep silence. I am well aware that many make a tragical exclamation concerning the injuries that have been offered you by you procurators, and concerning the glorious advantages of liberty; but before I begin the inquiry, who you are that must go to war ? and who they are against whom you must fight? I shall first separate those pretences that are by some connected together; for if you aim at avenging yourselves on those that have done you in. jury, why do you pretend this to be a war for recovering your liberty. you think all servitude intolerable, to what purpose serves your complaint against your particular governors ? for if they treated you with moderation, it would sull be equally an unworthy thing to be in servitude. Consider now the several cases that may be supposed, how little occasion there is for your going to war. Your first occasion is the accusations you have to make against your procurators: now here you ought to be submissive to those in authority, and not give them any pro. vocation; but when you reproach men greatiy for small offences, you excite those whom you reproach to be your adversaries; for this will only make them leave off hurting you privately, and with some degree of modesty, and to lay what you have waste openly. Now nothing so much damps the force of strokes as bear. ing them with patience, and the quietness of those who are injured diverts the injurious persons from afflicting. But let us take it for granted, that the Roman ministers are injurious to you, and are incurably severe ; yet they are not all the Romans who thus injure you ; nor hath Cæsar, against whom you are going to war, injured you : it is not by their command that any wicked governor is sent to you; for they who are in the west cannot see those that are in the east; nor, in. deed, is it easy for them there even to hear what is done in these parts. Now it is absurd to make war with a great many for the sake of one; to do so with such mighty people for a small cause ; and this when these people are not able to know of what you complain : nay such crimes as we complain of may soon be corrected; for the same procurator will not continue for ever; and probable it 15, that the successors will come with more moderate inclinations. But as for war, if it be once begun, it is not easily laid down again, nor borne without calamities coming therewith. However, as to the desire of recovering your liberty, it is unseasonable to indulge it so late; whereas you ought to have laboured earnestly in old time that you might never have lost it; for the first experience of slavery was hard to be endured, and the struggle that you might never have been sub. ject to it would have been just ; but that slave that hath been once brought into subjection, and then runs away, is rather a refractory slave than a lover of liber. ty; for it was then the proper time for doing all that was possible, that you might never have admitted the Romans (into your city,) when Pompey came first into the country. But so it was that our ancestors, and their kings, who were in much better circumstances than we are, both as to money and (strong] bodies, and

valiant) souls, did not bear the onset of a small body of the Roman army, And yet you, who have now accustomed yourselves to obedience from one generatior

. to another, and who are so much inferior to those who first submitted in your

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