him should be killed; and to offer violence to them after he had given them assurances of their lives, he could not himself bear to do it. However, his friends were too hard for him, and pretended that nothing against Jews could be any im. piety; and that he ought to prefer what was profitable before what was fit to be done, where both could not be made consistent. So he gave them an ambiguous liberty to do as they advised, and permitted the prisoners to go along no other road than that which led to Tiberias only. So they readily believed what they desired to be true, and went along securely, with their effects, the way which was allowed them, while the Romans seized upon all the road that led to Tiberias, that none of them might go out of it, and shut them up in the city. Then came Vespasian, and ordered them all to stand in the stadium, and commanded them to kill the old men, together with the others that were useless, which were in number a thousand and two hundred. Out of the young men he chose six thousand of the strongest, and sent them to Nero, to dig through the isthmus, and sold the remainder for slaves, being thirty thousand and four hundred, besides such as he made a present of to Agrippa; for as to those that belonged to his kingdom, he gave him leave to do what he pleased with them: however, the king sold these also for slaves; but for the rest of the multitude who were Trachonites, and Gaulanites, and of Hippos, and some of Gadara, the greatest part of them were seditious per. sons and fugitives, who were of such shameful characters that they preferred war before peace. These prisoners were taken on the eighth day of the month Gorpieus [Elul.]

BOOK IV.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF ABOUT ONE YEAR.

FROM THE SIEGE OF GAMALA TO THE COMING OF TITUS TO
BESIEGE JERUSALEM.

CHAP. I.

The Siege and Taking of Gamala.

1. Now all those Galileans who, after the taking of Jotapata, had revolted from the Romans, did, upon the conquest of Tarichea, deliver themselves up to them again. And the Romans received all the fortresses and the cities, excepting Gischala and those that had seized upon Mount Tabor; Gamala also, which is a city over against Taricheæ, but on the other side of the lake, conspired with them. This city lay upon the borders of Agrippa's kingdom, as also did Sogana and Se. loucia. And these were both parts of Gaulanitis; for Sogana was a part of that called the Upper Gaulanitis; as was Gamala of the Lower; while Seleucia was situated at the lake Semechonitis, which lake is thirty furlongs in breadth and sixty in length; its marshes reach as far as the place Daphne, which, in other respects is a delicious place, and hath such fountains as supply water to what is called Little Jordan, under the temple of the golden calf, where it is sent into Great Jordan. Now Agrippa had united Sogana and Seleucia by leagues to himself at the very beginning of the revolt from the Romans; yet did not Gamala accede to them, but relied upon the difficulty of the place, which was greater than that of Jotapata; for it was situated upon a rough ridge of a high mountain, with a kind of neck in the middle; where it begins to ascend it lengthens itself, and declines as much downward before as behind, insomuch that it is like a camel in figure, from whence it is so named, although the people of the country do not pronounce it accurately: both on the side and the face there are abrupt parts divided from the rest, and ending in vast deep valleys; yet are the parts behind, where they are joined to the mountain, somewhat easier of ascent than the other; but then the people belonging to the place have cut an oblique ditch there, and made that hard to be ascended also. On its acclivity, which is strait, houses are built, and those very thick and close to one another. The city also hangs so strangely, that it looks as if it would fall down upon itself, so sharp is it at the top. It is exposed to the south, and its southern mount, which reaches to an iminense height, was in the nature of a citadel to the city; and above that was a precipice, not walled about, but extending itself to an immense depth. There was also a spring of water within the wall, at the utmost limits of the city.

2. As this city was naturally hard to be taken, so had Josephus, by building a wall about it, made it still stronger, as also by ditches and mines underground. The people that were in it were made more bold by the nature of the place than the people of Jotapata had been, but it had much fewer fighting men in it; and they had such a confidence in the situation of the place, that they thought the *Here we have the exact situation of one of Jeroboam's golden calves, at the exit of Little Jordan to Great Jordan, near a place called Daphne, but of old Dan. See the note on Antiq. B. viii. ch. viii. et. 4. But Reland suspects that even here we should read Dar instead of Daphne, there being no where else any mention of a place called Daphne hereabouts.

enemy could not be too many for them; for the city had been filled with those that had fled to it for safety on account of its strength; on which account they had been able to resist those whom Agrippa sent to besiege it for seven months together.

3. But Vespasian removed from Emmaus, where he had last pitched his camp before the city Tiberias (now Emmaus, if it be interpreted, may be rendered A warm bath, for therein is a spring of warm water, useful for healing,) and came to Ga mala; yet was his situation such that he was not able to encompass it all around with soldiers to watch it; but where the places were practicable, he sent men to watch it, and seized upon that mountain which was over it. And as the legions according to their usual custom, were fortifying their camp upon that mountain, he began to cast up banks at the bottom, at the part toward the east, where the highest tower of the whole city was, and where the fifteenth legion pitched their camp: while the fifth legion did duty over against the midst of the city, and whilst the tenth legion filled up the ditches and valleys. Now at this time it was that as King Agrippa was come nigh the walls, and was endeavouring to speak to those that were on the walls about a surrender, he was hit with a stone on his right elbow by one of the slingers; he was then immediately surrounded with his own men. But the Romans were excited to set about the siege by their indignation on the king's account, and by their fears on their own account, as concluding that those men would omit no kinds of barbarity against foreigners and enemies, who were so enraged against one of their own nation, and one that advised them to nothing but what was for their own advantage.

4. Now when the banks were finished, which was done on the sudden, both by the multitude of hands and by their being accustomed to such work, they brought the machines; but Chares and Joseph, who were the most potent men in the city, set their armed men in order, though already in a fright, because they did not suppose that the city could hold out long, since they had not a sufficient quantity either of water, or of other necessaries. However, these their leaders encouraged them, and brought them out upon the wall, and for a while, indeed, they drove away those that were bringing the machines; but when those machines threw darts and stones at them, they retired into the city; then did the Romans bring battering.rams to three several places, and made the walls shake [and fall.] They then poured in over the parts of the wall that were thrown down, with the mighty sound of trumpets and noise of armour, and with a shout of the soldiers, and brake in by force upon those that were in the city; but these men fell upon the Romans for some time at their first entrance, and prevented their going any farther, and with great courage beat them back; and the Romans were so over. powered by the greater multitude of the people, who beat them on every side, that they were obliged to run into upper parts of the city. Whereupon the people turned about and fell upon their enemies, who had attacked them, and thrust them down to the lower parts, and as they were distressed by the narrowness and difficulty of the place, slew them; and as these Romans could neither beat those back that were above them, nor escape the force of their own men that were for. cing their way forward, they were compelled to fly into their enemies' houses, which were low; but these houses, being thus full of soldiers, whose weight they could not bear, fell down suddenly; and when one house fell it shook down a great many of those that were under it, as did those do to such as were under them. By this means a vast number of the Romans perished, for they were so terribly distressed, that although they saw the houses subsiding, they were com pelled to leap upon the tops of them; so that a great many were ground to pow der by these ruins, and a great many of those that got from under them lost some of their limbs, but still a greater number were suffocated by the dust that arose from those ruins. The people of Gamala supposed this to be an assistance afforded them by God, and without regarding what damage they suffered themselves, they pressed forward, and thrust the enemy upon the tops of their houses; and when

they stumbled in the sharp and narrow streets, and were perpetually falling down, they threw their stones or darts at them and slew them. Now, the very ruins afforded them stones enough, and for iron weapons the dead men of the enemies' side afforded them what they wanted; for, drawing the swords of those that were dead, they made use of them to dispatch such as were only half dead; nay there were a great number who, upon their falling down from the tops of the houses, stabbed themselves and died after that manner; nor, indeed, was it easy for those that were beaten back to fly away; for they were so unacquainted with the ways, and the dust was so thick, that they wandered about without knowing one another, and fell down dead among the crowd.

5. Those, therefore, that were able to find the ways out of the city retired. But now Vespasian always stayed among those that were hard set; for he was deeply affected with seeing the ruins of the city falling upon his army, and forgot to take care of his own preseveration. He went up gradually towards the highest parts of the city before he was aware, and was left in the midst of dangers, having only a very few with him; for even his son Titus was not with him at that time, having been then sent into Syria to Mucianus. However, he thought it not safe to fly, nor did he esteem it a fit thing for him to do; but calling to mind the actions he had done from his youth, and recollecting his courage, as if he had been excited by a divine fury, he covered himself and those that were with him with their shields, and formed a testudo over both their bodies and their armour, and bore up against the enemies' attacks, who came running down from the top of the city; and without showing any dread at the multitude of the men or of their darts, he endured all, until the enemy took notice of that divine courage that was within him, and remitted of their attacks; and when they pressed less zealously upon him, he retired, though without showing his back to them, till he was gotten out of the walls of the city. Now a great number of the Romans fell in this battle, among whom was Ebutius, the decurion, a man who appeared not only in this engagement, wherein he fell, but everywhere, and in former engage. ments to be of the truest courage, and one that had done very great mischief to the Jews. But there was a centurion whose name was Gallus, who during this disorder being encompassed about, he and ten other soldiers privately crept into the house of a certain person, where he heard them talking at supper what the people intended to do against the Romans, or a bout themselves (for both the man himself and those with him were Syrians.) So he got up in the night-time, and cut all their throats, and escaped, together with his soldiers, to the Romans.

6. And now Vespasian comforted his army, which was much dejected by reflecting on their ill success, and because they had never before fallen into such a calamity, and, besides this, because they were greatly ashamed that they had left their general alone in great dangers. As to what concerned himself, he avoided to say any thing, that he might by no means seem to complain of it; but he said, that "we ought to bear manfully what usually falls out in war, and this by considering what the nature of war is, and how it can never be that we must conquer without bloodshed on our own side; for there stands about us that fortune, which is of its own nature mutable: that while they had kil led so many ten thousands of the Jews, they had now paid their small share of the reckoning to fate, and as it is the part of weak people to be too much puffed up with good success, so is it the part of cowards to be too much affrighted at that which is ill; for the change from the one to the other is sudden on both sides, and he is the best warrior who is of a sober mind under misfortunes, that he may con. tinue in that temper, and cheerfully recover what hath been lost formerly; and as for what had now happened, it was neither owing to their own effeminacy, nor to the valour of the Jews, but the difficulty of the place was the occasion of their advantage and of our disappointment: Upon reflecting on which matter one might blame your zeal as perfectly ungovernable; for when the enemy had retired to their highest fastnesses, you ought to have restrained yourselves, and not, by

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28*

presenting yourselves at the top of the city, to be exposed to dangers; but upon your having obtained the lower parts of the city, you ought to have provoked those that had retired thither to a safe and settled battle; whereas in rushing so hastily upon victory, you took no care of your safety. But this incautiousness in war, and this madness of zeal, is not a Roman maxim, while we perform all that we attempt by skill and good order: that procedure is the part of barbarians, and is what the Jews chiefly support themselves by. We ought, therefore, to return to our own virtue, and to be rather angry than any longer dejected at this unlucky misfortune, and let every one seek for his own consolation from his own hand; for by this mean she will avenge those that have been destroyed, and punish those that have killed them. For myself I will endeavour, as I have now done, to go first before you against your enemies in every engagement, and to be the last that retires from it."

7. So Vespasian encouraged his army by this speech; but for the people of Gamala, it happened that they took courage for a little while upon such great and unaccountable success as they had had. But when they considered with them. selves, that they had now no hopes of any terms of accommodation, and reflect ing upon it that they could not get away, and that their provisions began already to be short, they were exceedingly cast down, and their courage failed them: yet did they not neglect what might be for their preservation, so far as they were able, but the most courageous among them guarded those parts of the wall that were beaten down, while the more infirm did the same to the rest of the wall that still remained round the city. And as the Romans raised their banks, and at. tempted to get into the city a second time, a great many of them fled out of the city through impracticable valleys, where no guards were placed, as also through subterraneous caverns; while those that were afraid of being caught, and for that reason stayed in the city, perished for want of food; for what food they had was brought together from all quarters, and reserved for the fighting men.

8. And these were the hard circumstances the people of Gamala were in. But now Vespasian went about another work by the by during this siege, and that was to subdue those that had seized upon Mount Tabor, a place that lies in the middle between the great plain and Scythopolis, whose top is elevated as high as thirty furlongs,* and is hardly to be ascended on its north side; its top is a plain of twenty-six furlongs, and all encompassed with a wall. Now Josephus erected this so long a wall in forty days time, and furnished it with other mate. rials, and with water from below; for the inhabitants only made use of rain water: as, therefore, there was a great multitude of people gotten together upon this mountain, Vespasian sent Placidus with six hundred horsemen thither. Now as it was impossible for him to ascend the mountain, he invited many of them to peace, by the offer of his right hand for their security, and of his intercession for them. Accordingly, they came down, but with a treacherous design, as well as he had the like treacherous desig upon them on the other side; for Placidus spoke mildly to them, as aiming to ke them, when he got them into the plain; they also came down as complying with his proposals, but it was in order to fall apon him when he was not aware of it: however, Placidus's stratagem was too nard for theirs; for when the Jews bega o fight, he pretended to run away, and when they were in pursuit of the Romar he enticed them a great way along the

These numbers in Josephus af 30 furlongs ascen to the top of Mount Tabor, whether we estimate it by winding and gradual, or by the perpendicular altitude, and of 26 furlongs in circumference upon the top, as also the 15 furlongs for this ascent in Polybius, with Geminus's perpendicular altitude of almost 14 furlongs, here noted by Dr. Hudson, do noue of them agree with the authentic testimony of Mr. Mandrel, an eyewitness, page 112, who says he was not an hour in getting up to the top of this Mount Tahor, and that the area of the top is an oval of about two furlongs in length and one in breadth. So I rather suppose Josephus wrote 3 furlongs for the ascent or altitude, instead of 30; and 6 funlongs for the circumference at the top, instead of 26: since a mountain of only 3 furlongs perpendicular altitude may easily require near an hour's ascent, and the circumference of an oval of the foregoing quantity is near 6 furlongs. Nor certainly could such a vast circumference as 26 furlongs or 3 and a quarter miles, at that height, be encompassed with a wall, including a trench and other fortifications, perhaps those still re mawing, ibid. in the small interval of 40 days, as Josephus here says they were by himself.