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these men put a few things together by hearsay, and insolently abuse the world, and call these writings by the name of Histories.
9. As for myself, I have composed a true history of that whole war, and of all the particulars that occurred therein, as having been concerned in all its trans. actions ; for I acted as general of those among us that are named Galileans, as long as it was possible for us to make any opposition. I was then seized on by the Romans, and became a captive ; Vespasian also and Titus had me kept under a guard, and forced me to attend them continually. At the first I was put into bonds, but was set at liberty afterward, and sent to accompany Titus, when he came from Alexandria to the siege of Jerusalem ; during which time there was nothing done which escaped my knowledge; for what happened in the Roman camp I saw and wrote down carefully ; and what information the desertere brought (out of the city,] I was the only man that understood them. Afterwaro I got leisure at Rome ; and when all my materials were prepared for that work, I made use of some persons to assist me in learning the Greck tongne, and by these means I composed the history of those transactions. And I was so well assured of the truth of what I related, that I first of all appealed to those that had the supreme command in that war, Vespasian and Titus, as witnesses for me ; for to thein 1 presented those books first of all, and afier them to many of the Ro. mans who had been in the war. I also sold them to many of our own men who un. derstood the Greek philosophy; among whom were Julius Archelaus; Herod [king of Chalcis,] a person of great gravity, ani Sing Agrippa hiniselt, a persod that deserved the greatest admiration. Now all these men bore their testimony to me, that I had the strictest regard to truth ; who yet would not have dissem. bled the matter, nor been silent, if I, out of ignorance, or out of favour to any side, either had given false colours to actions or omitted any of them.
10. There have been, indeed, some bad men who have attempted to calumni. ate my history, and took it to be a kind of scholastic performance for the exercise of young men. A strange sort of accusation and calumny this! since every one that undertakes to deliver the history of actions truly, ought to know them accurately himself in the first place, as either having been concerned in them him. self, or been informed of them by such as knew them. Now, both these methods of knowledge I may very properly pretend to in the composition of both my works; for, as I said, I have translated the Antiquities out of our sucred books, which I easily could do, since I was a priest by my birth, and have studied that philosophy which is contained in those writings; and for the History of the War, I wrote it as having been an actor myself in many of its transactions, an eyewit. Dess in the greatest part of the rest, and was not unacquainted with any thing whatsoever that was either said or done in it. llow impudent, then, must those deserve to be esteemed, that undertake to contradict me about the true state of those affairs ? who, although they pretend to have made use of both the emperor's own memoirs, yet could not thoy be acquainted with our affairs who fought against them.
11. This digression I have been obliged to make out of necessity, as being de. sirous to expose the vanity of those that profess to write histories; and I suppose I have sufficiently declared, that this custom of transınitting down the bistories of ancient times hath been better preserved by those nations wbich are called barbarians, than by the Greeks themselves. I am now willing in the next place, to say a few things to those that endeavour to prove that our constitution is but of lare time, for this reason, as they pretend, that the Greek writers have said nothing about us ; after which I shall produce testimonies for our antiquiry out of the writings of foreigners; I shall also demonstrate, that such as cast re. proaches upon our nation do it very unjustly.
12. As for ourselves, therefore, we neither inhabit a maritime country, nor do We delight in merchandise, nor in such a mixture with other men as arises from it.. but the cities we dwell in are remove from the sea ; and having a fruitli. country for our habitation, we take pains in cultivating that only. Our principa care of all is this, to educate our children wel! ; and we think it to be the mos necessary business of our whole life to observe the laws that have been given us, and to keep those rules of piety that have been delivered down to us. Since therefore, besides what we have already taken notice of, we have had a pe culiar
way of living of our own, there was no occasion offered us in ancient ages, for intermixing among the Greeks, as they had for mixing among the Egyptians, by their intercourse of exporting and importing their several goods ; as they also mixed with the Phænicians, who lived by the seaside, by means of their love of lucre in trade and merchandise. Nor did our forefathers betake themselves, as did some others, to robbery; nor did they in order to gain more wealth, fall into foreign wars, although our country contained many ten thousands of men of courage sufficient for that purpose. For this reason it was, that the Phænicians themselves came soon, by trading and navigation, to be known to the Grecians, and by their means the Egyptians became known to the Grecians also, as did all those people whence the Phænicians in long voyages over the seas carried wares to the Grecians. The Medes also, and the Persians, when they were lords of Asia, became well known to them; and this was especially true of the Persians, who led their armies as far as the other continent (Europe. The Thracians were also known to them by the nearness of their countries, and the Scythians by the means of those that sailed to Pontus; for it was so in geue. ral, that all maritime nations, and those that inhabited near the eastern or west. ern seas, became most known to those that were desirous to be writers; but such as had their habitations farther from the sea were for the most part unknown to them : which things appear to have happened as to Europe also, where the city of Rome, that hath this long time been possessed of so much power, and hath performed such great actions in war, is yet never mentioned by Herodotus, por by 'Thucydides, nor by any one of their contemporaries; and it was very late, and with great difficulty, that the Romans became known to the Greeks, Nay, those that were reckoned the most exact historians, and Ephorus for one, was so very ignorant of the Gauls and the Spaniards, that he supposed the Spaniards who inhabit so great a part of the western regions of the earth, to be no more than ane city. Those historians also have ventured to describe such customs as were made use of by them, which they never had either done or said ; and the reason why these writers did not know the truth of their affairs was this, that they had not any commerce together; but the reason why they wrote such falsities was this, that they had a mind to appear to know things which others had not known. How can it then be any wonder, if our nation was no more known to many of the Greeks, nor had given them any occasion to mention them in their writings, while they were so remote from the sea, and had a conduct of life so peculiar to themselves ?
13. Let us now put the case, therefore, that we made use of this argument concerning the Grecians, in order to prove that their nation was not ancient, be cause nothing is said of them in our records ; would not they laugh at us all, and probably give the same reasons for our silence that I have now alleged, and would produce their neighbour nations as witnesses to their own antiquity? Now, the very same thing will I endeavour to do; for I will bring the Egyptians and the Phænicians as my principal witnesses, because nobody can complain of their tes timony as false, on account that they are known to have borne the greatest ill will towards us : I mean this as to the Egyptians in general all of them, while of the Phænicians it is known the Tyrians have been most of all in the same ill disposi. con towards us : yet do I confess, that I cannot say the same of the Chaldeans, since our first leaders and ancestors were derived from them, and they do make mention of us Jews in their records, on account of the kindred there is between us. Now, when I shall have made my assertions good, so far as concerns the others, I will demonstrate that some of the Greek writers have made mention of
as Jews also, that those who envy us may not have even this pretence for contra dicting what I have said about our nation.
14. I shall begin with the writings of the Egyptians; not, indeed, of those that have written in the Egyptian language, which it is impossible for me to do. But Manetho was a man who was by birth an Egyptian ; yet had he made him. self master of the Greek learning, as is very evident; for he wrote the history of his own country in the Greek tongue, hy translating it, as he saith himself, ou of their sacred records : he also finds great fault with Herodotus for his ignorance and false relation of Egyptian affairs. Now this Manetho, in the second book of his Egyptian history, writes concerning us in the following manner. I will set down his very words, as if I were to bring the very man himself into a court for a witness" There was a king of ours whose name was Timaus. Under him it came to pass, I know not how, that God was averse to us, and there came, af. ter a surprising manner, men of ignoble birth out of the eastern parts, and had boldness enough to make an expedition into our country, and with ease subdued it by force, yet without our hazarding a battle with them. So when they had gotten those that governed us under their power, they afterwards burnt down our cities, and demolished the temples of the gods, and used all the inhabitants after a most barbarous manner; nay, some they slew, and led their children and their wives into slavery. At length they made one of themselves king, whose name was Salatis ; he also lived at Memphis, and made both the upper and lower rogions pay tribute, and left garrisons in places that were the most proper for them He chiefly aimed to secure the eastern parts, as foreseeing that the Assyrians, who had then the greatest power, would be desirous of that kingdom, and invade them; and as he found in the Saite Nomos (Seth-roite,] a city very proper for his purpose, and which lay upon the Bubastic channel, but with regard to a cer. tain theologic notion was called Avaris : this he rebuilt, and made very strong by the walls he built about it, and by a most numerous garrison of two hundred and forty thousand armed men which he put into it to keep it. Thither Salatis came in summer time, partly to gather his corn and pay his soldiers their wages, and partly to exercise his armed men, and thereby to terrify foreigners. When this man had reigned thirteen years, after him reigned another, whose name was Beom, for forty-four years ; after him reigned another, called Apachnas, thirty-six years and seven months; after him Apophis reigned sixty-one years, and then Janias fifty years and one month ; after all these reigned Assis forty-nine years and two months. And these six were the first rulers among them, who were all along making war with the Egyptians, and were very desirous gradually to destroy them to the very roots. This whole nation was styled Hvcsos, that is, shepherd. kings; for the first syllable Hyc, according to the sacred dialect, denotes a king, as is sos a shepherd ; but this according to the ordinary dialect ; and of these is compounded Hycsos: but some say that these people were Arabians.” Now, in another copy it is said, that this word does not denote kings, but on the con. trary denotes captive shepherds, and this on account of the particle Hyc; for that Hyc, with the aspiration, in the Egyptian tongue, again denotes shepherds, and that expressly also: and this to me seems the more probable opinion, and more agreeable to ancient history. [But Manetho goes on ]—" These people, whom we have before named kings, and called shepherds also, and their descendants," as he says,
“kept possession of Egypt five hundred and eleven years. After zhese,” he says, “That the kings of Thebais and of the other parts of Egypt, made an insurrection against the shepherds, and that there a terrible and long war was made between them.” He says farther,—" That under a king, whose name was Alisphragmuthosis, the shepherds were subdued by him, and were, in. deed, driven out of other parts of Egypt, but were shut up in a place that con. tained ten thousand acres : This place was named Avaris.” Manetho says, "That the shepherds built a wall round all this place, which was a large and a strong wall, and this in order to keep all their possessions and their prev
within a place of strength, but that Thummosis, the son of Alisphragmutbosis made an attempt to take them hy force and by siege, with four hundred and eighty thousand men to lie round about them; but that, upon his despair of taking the place by that siege, they came to a composition with them, that they should leare Egypt, and go, without any harm to be done to them, whithersoever they would ; and that after this composition was made, they went away with their whole families and effects, not lewer in number than two hundred and forty thousand. and took their journey from Egypt through the wilderness for Syria ; but that, as they were in fear of the Assyrians, who had then the dominion over Asia, they built a city in that country which is now called Judea, and that large enough to contain this great “ number of men, and called it Jerusalem.”* Now Maue. tho, in another book of his, says,- -“ 'That this nation, thus called shepherds, were also called captives in their sacred books.” And this account of his is the truth; for feeding of sheep was the employmentf of our forefathers in the most an. cient ages; and as they led such a wandering life in feeding sheep, they were called shepherds. Nor was it without reason that they were called captives by the Egyplians, since one of our ancestors, Joseph, told the king of Egypt that he was a captive, 5 and afterward sent for his brethren into Egypt by the king's permission. But as for these matters I shall make a more exact inquiry about them elsewhere.
15. But now I shall produce the Egyptians as witnesses to the antiquity of our nation. I shall, therefore, here bring in Manetho again, and what he writes as to the order of the times in this case: and thus he speaks." When this peo. ple or shepherds were gone out of Egypt to Jerusalem, Tethmosis the king of Egypt who drove them out reigned afterward twenty-five years and four monibs, and then died; after him his son Chebron took the kingdom for thirteen years, after whom came Amenophis, for twenty years and seven months; then came his sister Amesses, for twenty-one years and nine months ; after her came Mephres, for twelve years and nine months; after her was Mephramuthosis, for twedir. five vears and ten months ; after him was Thmosis, for nine years and eight months; after him came Amenophis, for thirty years and ten moths ; after him came Orus, for thirty-six years and five months ; then came his daughter Aceo. cheres, for twelve years and one month then was her brother Rathotis, for nine years ; then was Acencheres, for twelve years and five months; then came another Acencheres, for twelve years and three months; after him Armais, for four years and one month ; after him was Ramesses, for one year and four nionths ; after him came Armesses Miammoun, for sixty years and two months; atier him Amenophis, for nineteen years and six months; afier him came Sethosis and Ramesses, who had an army of horse, and a naval force. This king appointed his brother Armais to be his deputy over Egypt. [In another copy it stood thus... Ifter him came Sethosis and Ramesses, two brethren, the former of which had a naval force, and in a hostile manner destroyed those that met him upon the sea ; but as he slew Ramesses in no long time afterward, so he appointed another of his brethren to be his deputy over Egypt.] He also gave him all the other authority of a king, but with these only injunctions, that he should not wear the diadem, nor be injurious to the queen, the mother of his chil. dren; and that he should not meddle with the other concubines of the king, while he made an expedition against Cyprus and Phænicia, and besides against the Assyrians and the Medes. He then subdued them all, some by his arms, some without fighting, and some by the terror of his great army; and, being
* Here we have an account of the first building of the city of Jerusalem, according to Manetho, when the Phænician shepherds were expelled out of Egypt, about thirty-seven years before Abraham came out + Gen. xlvi. 32, 34 ; xlvii, 3, 4.
In our copies of the book of Genesis and of Josephus, this Joseph never calls himself a captura, when he was with the king of Egypt, though he does call himself a servant, a slave, or a captive, usany sinjes in the Testament of the twelve Patriarchs, under Josenb, sect 1, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16.
This is now wanting.
puffed up by the great successes he had had, he went still on the rore boldly, and overthrew the cities and countries that lay in the eastern paris. But after some considerable time, Armais, who was left in Egypt, did all those very things, by way of opposition, which his brother had forbid him to do, without fear; for he used violence to the queen, and continued to makc use of the rest of the concubines, without sparing any of them: nay, at the persuasion of his friends, he put on the diadem, and set up to oppose his brother. But then he who was set over the priests of Egypt wrote letters to Sethosis, and informed him of all that had happened, and how his brother had set up to oppose him : he, therefore, re. turned back to Pelusium immediately, and recovered his kingdom again. The country also was called from his name Egypt; for Manetho says, that Sethosis was himself called Egyptus, as was his brother Armais called Danaus."*
16. This is Manetho's account. And evident it is, from the number of years by him set down belonging to this interval, if they be summed up together, that these shepherds, as they are here called, who were no other than our forefathers, were delivered out of Egypt, and came thence, and inhabited this country, three hundred and ninety-three years before Danaus came to Argos; although the Argives look upon himt as their most ancient king. Manetho, therefore, bears this testimony to two points of the greatest consequence to our purpose, and those from the Egyptian records themselves. In the first place, that we came out of another country into Egypt, and that withal our deliverance out of it was so an. cient in time as to have preceded the siege of Troy almost a thousand years ;f but then, as to those things which Manetho adds, not from the Egyptian records but, as he confesses himself, from some stories of an uncertain original, I will disprove them hereafter particularly, and shall demonstrate that they are no bet. ter than incredible fables.
17. I will now, therefore, pass from these records, and come to those that be. long to the Phænicians, and concern our nation, and shall produce attestations to what I have said out of them. There are, then, records among the Tyrians, that take in the history of many years, and these are public writings, and are kept with great exactness, and include accounts of the facts done among them, and such as concern their transactions with other nations also, those I mean which were worth remembering. Therein it was recorded, that the temple was built by king Solomon at Jerusalem one hundred forty-three years and eight months before the Tyrians built Carthage ; and in their annals the building of our temple is related; for Hirom, the king of Tyre, was the friend of Solomon our king, and had such friendship transmitted down to him from his forefathers. He thereupon was ambitious to contribute to the splendour of this edifice of Solo. mon's, and made him a present of one hundred and twenty talents of gold. He also cut down the most excellent timber out of that mountain which is called Libanus, and sent it to him for adorning its roof. Solomon also not only made him many other presents, by way of requital, but gave him a country in Galilee also that was called Chabulon. But there was another passion, a philosophic inclination of theirs, which cemented the friendship that was betwixt them; for they sent mutual problems to one another, with a desire to have them unriddled by each other ; wherein Solomon was superior to Hirom, as he was wiser than he in other respects : and many of the epistles that passed between them are still
* of this Egyptian chronology of Manetho, as mistaken by Josephus, and of these Puenioian shepherds, as falsely supposed hy him, and others after him, to have been the Israelites in Egypt, see Essay on the Old Testament, Appendix, page 182—188. And note here, that when Josephus tells us that the Greeks or Argives looked on this Danaus as as xubitatos, a most ancient, or the most ancient king of Argos, he need not be supposed to mean, in the strictest sense, that they had no one king so ancient as he; for it is certain they owned nine kings before him, and Inachus at the head of them ; see Authentic Records; Part ji. p. 983; as Josephus could not but know very well ; but that he was esteemed as very artcient by them, and that they knew they had been first of all denominated Danai, from this very ancient king Danaus. Nor does this superlative degree always imply the most ancient of all without exception, but is sometimes to be rendered very ancient only, as is the case in the like superlative degrees of other words also. + See the preceding note.
to 1 Kings, ix, 13. VOL. 11.