would gladly see for ever dissipated the delusive hope that the difficulties and dangers of the Country will di minish as things adjust themselves to the present value of money, and that the individual loss and suffering produced by the return to a fixed standard can be done away, whilst the National Burthens which occasion them, remain unabated and unaltered.

re

and the Landed Proprietors, with Estates without a Rental, and an Exbenditure without an Income, will be laid prostrate at the feet of the Monied Interest, until some action (if not to say convulsion) of Society shall have shaken to the dust those double burthens with which the impolicy and injustice of recent measures have so heavily oppressed the Country."

"The Committee are sensible Well said, my lads! At them that Property and Labour alone might adjust themselves to any again! But, I wish you had just standard, but encumbered as it is mentioned the sufferings of those with an enormous Public Debt, who are now in prison for endeawhich admits of no proportionate vouring to obtain that reform, withreduction, they see nothing but in-out which you may publish your justice in the attempt to beat down complaints till doomsday! I wish the prices of Property, Rents and you had just alluded to that deLabour, and to give, at the same scription of sufferings; for, the time, a doubled value to all the sufferers are men as well as you, Taxes, Debts, and Monied oblinot be quite so poetical as yours. though, perhaps, their view may However, time does every thing. It has done wonders already; and it will do wonders such as were never seen before.

gations of the Country. To suppose that this adjustment of the low prices of Property and Labour with the high Rates of Taxation can ever take place, is the mere speculation of theorists, which no experience warrants, which no sound principle justifies, and which no rational consideration of the subject can reconcile. If those who hold the fate, and wield the destinies of the Country, will not restore the prices of Property and Labour, and cannot materially reduce the burthens which oppress it, Agricultural Capital will soon be wrested from its present possessors;

DOUBLEFACE.

The man whose name to VARLET rhymes,
Who in with ev'ry varlet chimes,
Who chops about with place and times;
Who can, for gold, swear, lie, revile,
Or tear's can shed like crocodile;
Who's now as proud as any Howard,
Now a crawling fawning coward;
Who, in the North's a vile accuser;
Who, in the South's a foul abi ser

VOL. 41.-No. 3.] LONDON, SATURDAY, JAN. 19, 1822. [Price 6d.

Published every Saturday Morning, at Seven o'clock.

NOTICE.

The STAMPED REGISTER is now regularly published; and, therefore, it can be sent to any part of the Kingdom, postage free.

TO THE

Upon these subjects, therefore,

it is my intention to offer

you, or,

EARL OF CHICHESTER, rather, the public, some remarks; On his Speech at the Lewes Meet-for, I dislike disappointment too ing, on the 9th instant.

much to indulge the hope, that a

person so lofty-minded as your Lordship can condescend to read any thing contained in a paper bearing my name.

Your Lordship disapproved of the Meeting, and of all such Meetings, for more reasons than one; but, one was, that those Meetings tended to excite false hopes in the farmers; tended to make them look to the Government for relief, when it could afford

- all, as to the means necessary to extricate the country out of its present difficulties; and, particularly, that you had not yet brought your mind to contemplate them none; tended to make the the probable effects upon the farmers rely on the acts of the Aristocracy, which the "general Government, rather than on their working of events" has in store. own individual exertions, in which

Ε

Printed by C. CLEMENT, and published by J. M. COBBETT, 1, Clement's Inn [Price Sixpence Halfpenny in the Country.]

you were sure the only remedy If, indeed, the evil were of a

was to be found.

On this idea as to the efficacy of individual exertions I remarked pretty fully at the dinner, which

nature to defy all human means of mitigation; if it were the consequence of visitations from Heaven; if it were an evil to

ok place after the Meeting, at which, from our very nature, we

which I was sorry your Lordship did not attend, and to have attended at which would have done you no discredit. But, there is a remark which I wish now to add, relating to this part of your

are liable. Then, indeed, we; might be reasonably told that to meet and to pray to the Government for relief were useless. If

the fault were in the farmers themselves, then they might with

speech. Trifling causes frequently propriety be told to take patiently

produce mighty effects; but, never were mighty evils yet known to be cured by trifling remedies. In the former case, the cause, though little in the beginning, becomes, in the end, adequate to the effect; but, in the latter case, the cause must be

the reward of their misconduct.

But, when the evil has arisen directly and visibly from acts of power, and solely from those acts, surely, that is a strange state of things, in which it can be unreasonable for them to apply to that same power for relief from the evil. The King's prime Mi

efficient from the outset, or no cure can be produced. The mil-nister said, about two years ago, lion of pounds, borrowed in the quoting the words of GOLDSMITH, year 1694, has, at last, produced what we now behold; but, what would any one think of a remedy

"How fen, of all the ills mankind endure, Are those that Governments can cause or cure.” This was a neatish way of get

which was to effect a cure in ting out of the scrape! The

1950?

observation is false; and even

ridiculously false, as applied to corrupt press have been baffled

mankind in general; because it is notorious, that Governments can, and do, make a people happy, or miserable; rich, or poor; enslaved

or free. But, as applicable to

by the force of the suffering. To acts of the government the evil is, and the evil will be, imputed; and, the natural consequences will, and must, follow.

But, it is on the other topic, mentioned in the first paragraph of my letter, that I am most desirous to make a few remarks ; namely, on the effects, which, as

our case, it is so flagrantly false, that one wonders how any man could find face sufficient to put forth the words. Not only is the mass of evil now felt to be traced to acts in the statute book; but, it appears to me, the "general there are on record the remon-working of events" has in store strances of the people against with regard to the Aristocracy, those acts, and the punishments and with regard to which effects inflicted on hundreds who were your Lordship does not seem to most forward in the making of have formed the slightest anticithose remonstrances. So that this pation. Besides the general tone remark of the poet, always false, of your speech, you, upon some is, as applied to our case, noto-marks of applause having been riously and impudently false. drawn forth by you (from some

The motive for these anxious dependent most likely), observed, endeavours to persuade the suf- that you "did not come there to be ferers, that the government has applauded;" which, certainly, was had no hand in producing the suf- as much as to say, that you defering, is evident enough; but, spised the applause you had rethese endeavours will not succeed. ceived. This really was loftiness

The "sudden transition from war

on the tip-toe. BURKE, who owed

to peace" has lost its power of his enormous pensions to his abuse deceiving. All the arts of a most of the people, said, that the king