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scorn, with which he had been read, a long speech delivered by treated by the Whigs. His Com- this same Marquis, not only jus mittee for Middlesex had put forth tifying, to the full extent, but a resolution uniting him with applauding in the highest terms, Byng. Byng had disclaimed that very conduct of the Magis him by public advertisement! trates and Yeomanry of ManchesThen came out the letter from the ter on the 16th of August, for the Baronet that brought the challenge censuring of which conduct the

from Whitbread. Thus, he was Baronet himself got a threeburning with revenge against the months' walk in the custody of the Whigs; and hence he became Marshall of the King's Bench! the supporter of PAULL, who, if The "consistency" here is a re-elected, was sure to give them thing to be remembered by the so much annoyance, and, as the Electors of Westminster; but, 'Baronet himself said, as above, the thing itself is never to be forwas "likely to be a fulcrum to gotten. Let the speech of the. remove them." But, at the second Elder Wellesley on the subject of election, the Whigs were turned the Manchester slaughter be read; out; there needed no such ful- let Lord Grey's answer to him be crum; there was nobody to annoy read; and then let judgment be but the old Pittites; there were passed on those who have now no revenges to gratify by putting wished to go even beyond CastlePAULL into Parliament, and our tlereagh, and to give despotic conquering hero" wanted no par-powers to the Marquis Wellesticipator in the popular applause, ley!

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his own stomach being quite sufficient for the whole of it. All this was seen at the time; it was talked of; it was lamented; but, it would not have been mentioned by me here, had not the Baronet insulted the memory of Mr. PAULL by now declaring, that, of all men

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MEN are now come to the point

living, the Marquis of Wellesley of looking at the utility of speeches is the fittest to govern a country

by martial law! And that, too, as well as of other things; and,

after he had read, as he must have when retrenchment is the order of

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th day, most men think, that the | posals; till they had stated what principle might, with great advan-they meant to do; till they had tage, be applied to speeches. In cackled forth their story and laid those times, when speeches were out their ladder of addled schemes; estimated according to their length, but, having nothing specific to this would have immortalized Mr. propose himself, Mr. BROUGHAM BROUGHAM; for, though there was might, surely, have had the panothing new; nothing either "rich tience to wait from Monday until or rare," the speech was five Friday, when that grand master hours long! A speech of five of words, Lord Castlereagh, was hours long, without a single new to come out with the "collective idea as to the nature or extent of wisdom" of the cabinet. Surely

the evil or as to the causes of it;

it was, in every possible point of

and without a single new sugges-view, best to hear the schemers
tion as to a remedy. Nay, there first. There was no fear but
was nothing new as to the motion Mr. BROUGHAM would have had
itself; for, as far as it went, it was a fair chance of getting out as
no more than the motion of Mr. | large a quantity of matter, or,
HUME on the first day of the ses-
sion; namely, that it was proper
to make such a reduction of taxes
as would afford relief.

rather, of words, as anybody else; and, as to useful knowledge upon this subject, what had he to bring out that was not already before the whole nation in the Register? The wonder is, or would be if one did not know what that House

If, indeed, Mr. BROUGHAM had had any particular measure of reduction to lay before the House, there might have been some ex-is, not that he lost his motion, but that he got a single man to vote for it. As a matter of national

cuse for his haste. Even then it would, in every view of the matter, have been better to wait till concern, it was useless; as a party the Ministers had made their pro-stroke mischievous; for, though

one might agree in the truth of the a perfect Noah's ark of political

proposition, one might fairly say, it is improper to put it forth at this time and in this shape.

Long as this speech is I have read it; and, to use a favourite phrase of the pious Mr. CANNING (who has the gout!) "so help me God," I will never read another of


« And still they gap’d, and still their wonder grew,

"That one small head could carry all he knew."

I have been hunting through it for something tangible; but every where my "grasp" is eluded. I wished to see whether the "orator" (an appellation that must not now be exclusively given to one person) stuck to Saint Horner and his brother Reviewers; but, I find no

equal length, let the speaker be who or what he may! It is really hunting after two grains of wheat in a bushel of chaff, and when you have found them, they are any thing to pin him down by, except thing but good. The speech is that I knew he voted with Saint like the old hack, Burke's, pam

Horner on the bullion question. So, out of that he cannot get; and that was the foundation of Peel's Bill. As to this Bill, the orator disclaims it thus: that the Minis

phlet that was the trumpet to six hundred millions of debt, which pamphlet Paine most aptly compared to a part of the American coast, called "Point no-point," ters shut him out of the Commitwhich,winding round with a smooth tee; and, when the report was edge for a great many miles, makes made, "severe indisposition preyou think, as you are coming coast-vented him from taking part in the wise, that you see a point con- discussion." Ah, ah! say you so, stantly a-head, but at which point my buck! But you were "pretty you never arrive. In this speech well again" soon afterwards, I are all sorts of things, and jumbled hope? Your illness was not of a together in all sorts of ways: it is mortal nature? It produced no

impediment in your speech; for disapprobation. It will not do you were talking away with un- now. It is too late. The differcommon energy in about three ence between you and me is, that months after the Bill was passed; you find out the mischief after it and, I do remember me, not only has happened: I foretel the misthat you never, up to last Monday, chief, even before the measure is said a word against that Bill, but adopted.

I was particularly anxious to

that you, after the bill was passed, called Mr. RICARDO, the inventor see whether orator Brougham of the Bill, an Oracle in matters pledged himself as to "national

I wanted to pin him But I cannot get hold of

of political economy, and called faith." the Register, which had clearly down. foretold all the consequences of him. He slips about like an eel. the Bill, and that, too, nearly a I must take his words here. Pray, year before it was passed; that reader, attend to the passage, you called this work, "the worst that I am going to insert. Mr. part of the bad part of the press;" BROUGHAM knows what the land..and that you thus called it, too, at lords think, and what they say, when a time when the author had just the fundlords do not hear them! set his foot in England, when the He sees now, that they must come base faction of "Glory" were to my shop, and yet he has not the courage to utter the words; to pronounce my favourite six letters, S, P, O, N, G, E, which are a great deal better than Six-Acts!

busy in plotting his destruction,

and when laws were actually

passing, the real object of the most

severe of those laws you well knew! Come, come, then: no He sees that it must come to this, crying off from Peel's Bill. If or that all must "go to pieces like you disapproved of it, you have a ship on the rocks;" he sadly had opportunities enough, in al- wants to be pretty forward in most three years, to express your avowing the doctrine; he would

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have pronounced the fatal word in his senses recommend such a pro

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too; but, to come to Cobbett; to bė his disciple; to kneel at that shrine! Oh! dg thought! But let us now see how my pretty moth skims about the flame, and yet takes care not to singe his wings.

ceeding? [cheers] To alter the cur rency to its former state-to change the standard of value secretly or openly, would only be a choice, as had been well said, between open violence and secret fraud [hear, hear !]. It was one thing to keep the currency to its former value, and another, having altered the standard, to return to the for"He was, however, willing to say, mer one. If it were their intenthat if after all the sources of eco- tion to retrace their steps and tamnomy were exhausted-if after a per once more with the value of great reduction of the taxes and an the currency, the nation could put alleviation of the enormous burdens no trust in them. Such conduct which afflicted the country-if would be bad enough in its immeafter such measures they still diate consequences, but by its found that the state of agriculture example, one thousand times was oppressed and languished, he worse. But since necessity --- that would not assert that they ought not power with which there was no to administer further relief [hear, possibility of treating or negohear!], because he thought the ciating--whose mandate was peobjects were of such importance-remptory and must be obeyed; since so mighty were the interests of that was the power which they the State which were bound up had to contend with, they must with the prosperity of the land- accommodate their measures to its owners, that they had but one commands, and act up to the exilimit to relief, namely, the making gency of the case, if the landowners it full and effectual [cheers]. They continued to be depressed in their must go on. If all which they did interests as at present. It was in the first instance did not suffice, easy to talk of balancing the acthey must have recourse to other count by only limiting the supply measures, in the adoption of which to the demand, by only growing they were only justified by a para- the produce which was sufficient mount and unreasoning necessity [loud for the market-by throwing a porcheers]. To tamper with public tion of the lands out of cultivation, faith--to sully the honour of the and the evil itself might be easily country-to declare a national bank-called only a change of stock, a ruptcy Good God! could any man mere transfer of property. These

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