road is through an inhabited and safe country. There are twenty stations extending through Lydia and Phrygia, and the distance is ninety-four parasangs and a half. After Phrygia, the river Halys is met with, at which there are gates, which it is absolutely necessary to pass through, and thus to cross the river: there is also a considerable fort on it. When you cross over into Cappadocia, and traverse that country, to the borders of Cilicia, there are eight and twenty stations, and one hundred and four parasangs; and on the borders of these people, you go through two gates, and pass by two forts. When you have gone through these and made the journey through Cilicia, there are three stations, and fifteen parasangs and a half. The boundary of Cilicia and Armenia is a river that is crossed in boats, it is called the Euphrates. In Armenia there are fifteen stations for restingplaces, and fifty-six parasangs and a half; there is also a fort in the stations. Four rivers that are crossed in boats flow through this country, which it is absolutely necessary to ferry over. First, the Tigris; then, the second and third have the same name, though they are not the same river, nor flow from the same source. For the first mentioned of these flows from the Armenians, and the latter from the Matienians. The fourth river is called the Gyndes, which Cyrus once distributed into three hundred and sixty channels. As you enter from Armenia into the country of Matiene, there are four stations; and from thence as you proceed to the Cissian territory there are eleven stations, and forty-two parasangs and a half, to the river Choaspes, which also must be crossed in boats: on this Susa is built. All these stations amount to one hundred and eleven :7 accordingly the resting-places at the stations are so many as you go up from Sardis to Susa. 53. Now if the royal road has been correctly measured in parasangs, and if the parasang is equal to thirty stades, as indeed it is, from Sardis to the royal palace, called Memnonia, is a distance of thirteen thousand five hundred stades, the parasangs being four hundred and fifty; and by those who travel one hundred and fifty stades every day, just ninety days are spent on the journey. 54. Thus Aristagoras the Milesian spoke correctly,

7 The detail of stations above-mentioned gives only eighty-one instead of one hundred and eleven. The discrepancy can only be accounted for by a supposed defect in the manuscripts.

when he told Cleomenes the Lacedæmonian, that it was a three months' journey up to the king's residence. But if any one should require a more accurate account than this, I will also point this out to him; for it is necessary to reckon with the above the journey from Ephesus to Sardis: I therefore say that the whole number of stades from the Grecian sea to Susa, (for such is the name of the Memnonian city,) amounts to fourteen thousand and forty; for from Ephesus to Sardis is a distance of five hundred and forty stades. And thus the three months' journey is lengthened by three days.

55. Aristagoras, being driven from Sparta, went to Athens, which had been delivered from tyrants in the following manner. When Aristogiton and Harmodius, who were originally Gephyræans by extraction, had slain Hipparchus, son of Pisistratus, and brother to the tyrant Hippias, and who had seen a vision in a dream manifestly showing his own fate, after this the Athenians during the space of four years were no less, but even more, oppressed by tyranny than before. 56. Now the vision in Hipparchus's dream was as follows. On the night preceding the Panathenaic festival, Hipparchus fancied that a tall and handsome man stood by him, and uttered these enigmatical words: "Lion, endure with enduring mind to bear unendurable ills; no one among unjust men shall escape retribution." As soon as it was day he laid these things before the interpreters of dreams; and afterwards, having attempted to avert the vision, he conducted the procession in which he perished.

57. The Gephyræans, of whom were the murderers of Hipparchus, were, as they themselves say, originally sprung from Eretria; but, as I find by diligent inquiry, they were Phoenicians, of the number of those Phoenicians who came with Cadmus to the country now called Boeotia, and they inhabited the district of Tanagra, in this country, which fell to their share. The Cadmeans having been first expelled from thence by the Argives, these Gephyræans being afterwards expelled by the Boeotians, betook themselves to Athens; and the Athenians admitted them into the, number of their citizens, on certain conditions, enacting that they should be excluded from several privileges, not worth mentioning. 58. These Phoenicians who came with Cadmus, and of whom the Gephyræans were, when they settled in this country, intro

duced among the Greeks many other kinds of useful knowledge, and more particularly letters; which, in my opinion, were not before known to the Grecians. At first they used the characters which all the Phoenicians make use of; but afterwards, in process of time, together with the sound, they also changed the shape of the letters. At that time Ionian Greeks inhabited the greatest part of the country round about them; they having learnt these letters from the Phœnicians, changed them in a slight degree, and made use of them; and in making use of them, they designated them Phoenician, as justice required they should be called, since the Phoenicians had introduced them into Greece. Moreover, the Ionians, from ancient time, call books made of papyrus, parchments, because formerly, from the scarcity of papyrus, they used the skins of goats and sheep; and even at the present day many of the barbarians write on such skins. 59. And I myself have seen in the temple of Ismenian Apollo at Thebes in Boeotia, Cadmean letters engraved on certain tripods, for the most part resembling the Ionian. One of the tripods has this inscription: Amphitryon dedicated me on his return from the Teleboans." These must be about the age of Laius, son of Labdacus, son of Polydorus, son of Cadmus. 60. Another tripod has these words in hexameter verse: a boxer, having been victorious, dedicated me, a very beautiful offering, to thee, far-darting Apollo." Scæus must have been son of Hippocoon, if indeed it was he who made the offering, and not another person bearing the same name as the son of Hippocoon; and must have been about the time of Edipus, son of Laius. 61. A third tripod has these words also in hexameters: "Laodamas, being a monarch, dedicated this tripod, a very beautiful offering, to thee, far-seeing Apollo." During the reign of this Laodamas, son of Eteocles, the Cadmeans were expelled by the Argives, and betook themselves to the Encheleæ. But the Gephyræans, who were then left, were afterwards compelled by the Boeotians to retire to Attica; and they built temples in Athens, in which the rest of the Athenians do not participate, but they are distinct from the other temples; more particularly the temple and mysteries of the Achæan Ceres.

66

“Scæus,

62. Thus I have related the vision of Hipparchus's dream, 8 Or "well-aiming."

and whence were sprung the Gephyræans, of whom were the murderers of Hipparchus ; and it is now proper to resume the account I originally set out to relate, and show how the Athenians were delivered from tyrants. While Hippias was tyrant, and embittered against the Athenians on account of the death of Hipparchus, the Alcmæonidæ, who were Athenians by extraction, and were then banished by the Pisistratidæ, when they with other Athenian exiles did not succeed in their attempt to effect their return by force, but were signally defeated in their endeavours to reinstate themselves and liberate Athens, having fortified Lipsydrium, which is above Pæonia ;-thereupon the Alcmæonidæ, practising every scheme against the Pisistratidæ, contracted with the Amphictyons, to build the temple which is now at Delphi, but then did not exist; and as they were wealthy, and originally men of distinction, they constructed the temple in a more beautiful manner than the plan required, both in other respects, and also, though it was agreed they should make it of porine stone, they built its front of Parian marble. 63. Accordingly, as the Athenians state, these men, while staying at Delphi, prevailed on the Pythian by money, when any Spartans should come thither to consult the oracle, either on their own account or that of the public, to propose to them to liberate Athens from servitude. The Lacedæmonians, when the same warning was always given them, sent Anchimolius, son of Aster, a citizen of distinction, with an army, to expel the Pisistratidæ from Athens, though they were particularly united to them by the ties of friendship, for they considered their duty to the god more obligatory than their duty to men. These forces they sent by sea in ships, and he having touched at Phalerum, disembarked his army: but the Pisistratidæ, having had notice of this beforehand, called in assistance from Thessaly, for they had entered into an alliance with them. In accordance with their request, the Thessalians with one consent despatched a thousand, horse to their assistance, and their king Cineas, a native of Conium. When the Pisistratidæ had these auxiliaries, they had recourse to the following plan having cleared the plains of the Phalereans, and made the country practicable for cavalry, they sent the cavalry against the enemy's camp; and it having fallen on, killed many of the Lacedæmonians, and among them Anchimolius,

and the survivors they drove to their ships. The first expedition from Lacedæmon thus got off; and the tomb of Anchimolius is at Alopecæ of Attica, near the temple of Hercules in Cynosarges. 64. Afterwards, the Lacedæmonians, having fitted out a larger armament, sent it from Athens, having appointed king Cleomenes, son of Anaxandrides, commander-inchief; they did not however send it again by sea, but by land. On their entrance into the Athenian territory, the Thessalian cavalry first engaged with them, and was soon defeated, and more than forty of their number fell: the survivors immediately departed straight for Thessaly. Cleomenes having reached the city, accompanied by those Athenians who wished to be free, besieged the tyrants who were shut up in the Pelasgian fort. 65. However, the Lacedæmonians would not by any means have been able to expel the Pisistratidæ ; for they had no intention of forming a blockade, and the Pisistratida were well provided with meat and drink; and after they had besieged them for a few days, they would have returned to Sparta ; but now an accident happened, unfortunate for one party, and at the same time advantageous to the other ; for the children of the Pisistratidæ were taken as they were being secretly removed from the country; when this occurred all their plans were thrown into confusion; and, to redeem their children, they submitted to such terms as the Athenians prescribed, so as to quit Attica within five days. They afterwards retired to Sigeum, on the Scamander, having governed the Athenians for thirty-six years. They were by extraction Pylians, and Neleïdæ, being sprung from the same ancestors as Codrus and Melanthus, who, though formerly foreigners, became kings of Athens. For this reason Hippocrates gave the same name to his son, in token of remembrance, calling him Pisistratus after Nestor's son Pisistratus. Thus the Athenians were delivered from tyrants; and what things worthy of recital they either did or suffered, before Ionia revolted from Darius, and Aristagoras the Milesian came to Athens to desire their assistance, I shall now relate.

66. Athens, although it was before powerful, being now delivered from tyrants, became still more so. Two men in it had great influence, Clisthenes, one of the Alcmæonidæ, who is reported to have prevailed with the Pythian, and Isagoras, son of Tisander, who was of an illustrious family, though I